
Class. 
Book. 



UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS 

IN 

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY 

Vol. 14, No. 3, pp. 221-436, plates 1-21, 15 text-figs. December 23, 1918 



ETHNOGEpGRAPHY AND ARCHAEOLOGY 
OF THE WIYOT TERRITORY 



BY 



LLEWELLYN L. LOUD 



UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS 
BERKELEY 



M,ipfttrrr*nV 



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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS 

IN 

AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY 

Vol. 14, No. 3, pp. 221-436, plates 1-21, 15 text-figs. December 23, 1918 



ETHNOGEOGRAPHY AND ARCHAEOLOGY OP t^ ^ c, 
THE WIYOT TERRITORY 

BY 

LLEWELLYN L. LOUD 



CONTENTS 

P.\OE 

Introduction 22.5 

Environment of Humboldt Bat Region 226 

Physiography 226 

Forest 228 

Prairie 230 

Indian trails _ 230 

Ethuobotany 231 

Wiyot plant names and uses 232 

Athapascan plant names 234 

Fauna 235 

Mammals 235 

Birds 237 

Fish 237 

Mollusks 239 

Other fauna 240 

Discovery and Settlement by Whites 241 

Early voyages _ 241 

Bodega in 1775 241 

Vancouver in 1793 _ 244 

Winship in 1806 245 

Gold seekers' rush in 1850 247 

Indian Neighbors or the Wiyot 249 

Wiyot boundaries 249 

The Yurok _ -. 249 

Social barriers to intermarriage _ 250 

Yurok-Wiyot-Algonkin linguistic stock 250 



222 Vnivcrifit!/ of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 1-1 

PAGE 

. AtluijKisi'aii ueiglibors 2.jl 

Tlie ( 'hihila 251 

The Whilkut 253 

The Noiigatl 255 

The Siiikyoiie aii.l MattoU' 256 

WlYOT Ethnogeograpiiy 255 

Chief Wiyot settlements in 1850 258 

Sites near Mail river mouth 25!) 

Sites at the bend of Mad river 2G1 

Sites near Blue Lake _ _... 263 

Sites ou Ma<l river slough 2i)5 

Sites near Eureka _ 2 )6 

Sites near the harbor entrance 269 

Sites at the soutli end of tlie bay 271 

Siti's ou Eel river 271 

Minor settlements an<l camp sites in 1850 272 

Places abandoned previous to 1850 273 

Archacolo;,'ical sites 275 

Siti'S for surf-fisliiug _ 278 

I'laees of mytlioloKJc-al interest 281 

Lists of geographical names 284 

Wiyot geographical names 286 

Athapascan geographical names 290 

Wiyot names obtained by Kroeber and Waterman 202 

Ytiriik names obtained by Kroeber and Waterman 207 

Aboriginal population 208 

Eelation vv Indians to Whites 305 

Character of the settlers 306 

Character of liostilities _ 308 

Eeservation system 311 

Troubles in the Bald Hills 316 

Early aggressions against the Wiyot 323 

Eel river murders in 1852 323 

" Si|ua\v-men ' ' on Eel river in 1854 - 324 

Murder of Clunles Hicks in 1856 326 

C'onsecjuences of tlieft liy Indians 327 

Massacres by tlie widtes in 1860 329 

Treatmeid by the whites since 1860 334 

AKCIlAEuLodv (If SiTK 67 337 

Environment cd' the mound 337 

Size and shajie of the mound 339 

Composition of the nuniinl 339 



^' Of B. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 223 

PAGE 

Layers of stratification 339 

Average composition - 343 

Vertebrate remains 345 

Floors and fireplaces 346 

Age of the mound 347 

Human remains 330 

Burial — - 351 

Cremation - 353 

Material culture 357 

Chipped implements - 357 

Objects made of sandstone - 361 

Objects of steatite and slate 366 

Chert refuse, cooking stones, etc - 375 

Objects of clay - 377 

Objects of horn 380 

Objects of bone 382 

Objects of shell - 384 

Carbonized articles 386 

Objects from Various Sites 387 

Surf -fishing camps 387 

Miscellaneous sites ■ 388 

Summary and Conclusion 392 

Tables - 394 



Plate 


1. 


Plate 


O 


boldt bay 




Plate 


3. 


Plate 


4. 


Plate 


5. 


Plate 


6. 


Plate 


7. 


Plate 


8-. 


Plate 


9. 


Plate 


10. 


Plate 


11. 


Plate 


12. 


Plate 


13. 


Plate 


14. 


Plate 


15. 



LIST OF PLATES 

Map of the territory of the Wiyot language. 

Map showing archaeological sites on the northern part of Hum- 
Map of the entrance to Humboldt bay, 1858. 
Winship's map of Humboldt bay, 1806. 
Abrupt coasts. 
Wiyot camping places. 

Wiyot villages of the past and of the present. 
Sand dune and village site. 
Shellmounds. 

Where the "Old Nation" dwelt. 
Contour plan of shellmound site 67. 
Vertical sections and diagram of site 67. 
Knives. 

Chipped implements. 
Chipped implements. 



224 University of Cnlifvrnia Puhlicatwns in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

Plate 10. Various stone implements. 

Plate 17. Pipes, sinkcr.s, etc. 

Plate 18. Stone clubs from Wiyot and Yurok areas. 

Plate 19. Clubs from California, Oregon, and elsewhere. 

Plate 20. Objects of clay and bone. 

Plate 21. Objects of bone, horn, and shell. 



TEXT FIGURES 

PAGE 

1. Ground-plan and cross-section of a Wiyot house 267 

2. Scraper from site 67 360 

3. Slave-killer from site 67 showing stains 371 

4. Slave-killer from the Klamath 373 

5. Stone object from Santa Catalina island 373 

6. Incised designs on dentalium sliells _ 385 

7. Pine-nut beads _ 385 

8. Maul-shaped object from sites 10, 11, or 12 389 

9. Stone club from site 9 (?) 389 

10. Stoiio chib from California 389 

11. Pestle from Woitchpec on the Klamath 389 

12. Pestle from Ilupa valley 389 

13. Arrow points from site 34 391 

14. Adze handle from site 99 (?) 391 

l.j. Stone club from Scotia 391 



TABLES 

P.VGE 

1. Forest tiers of tlie Wiyot territory 394 

2. Shellmound samples, size of constituents 395 

3. Analysis of sliellmonud samples — frnm site ()7 395 

4. Vertebrate remains — site 67 396 

5. Human remains and associated artifacts — site 67 397 

6. Scattered artifacts — site 67 398 

7. Chipped implements — site 67 399 

8. Sanilstone implements — site 67 400 

9. Hone artifacts — site 67 _ 401 

10. Slirll objects aii<l carbonized articles — site 67 402 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 225 



INTRODUCTION 

California is almost entirely lacking in coastal plain, there being 
only a half dozen places along the entire coast from Oregon to Mexico 
where the 1000-foot contour line is more than ten miles inland, and 
some of these places are mere breaks in the coast where rivers have 
their outlets. On most of the California coast the 100-foot contour 
line is practicall}- the coast line itself, hence the area occupied by low 
plain, marsh, or tide lands is very restricted. 

The chief salt marsh and tide-flat area in California is about 
San Francisco bay. Here there was an abundance of mollusks as an 
aboriginal food supply. Hence shellmounds and refuse heaps are 
very numerous. The Department of Anthropology of the University 
of California having located about 450 such archaeological sites and 
having excavated in 13 (a partial report of which is found in several 
papers of the present series),^ it was deemed best to undertake similar 
work farther up the coast. Because of the abrupt character of the 
coast, the locality promising best results appeared to be around Hum- 
boldt bay, about 220 miles up the coast from San Francisco. Accord- 
ingly, from Jul}' 15 to November 5, 1913, the writer was engaged in 
an archaeological exploration of the territory about this bay, and 
around the lower coui'ses of Mad and Eel rivers. About half of the 
time in the field was spent in excavating one of the most promizient 
sliellmounds of the region, situated on Gunther island in the bay 
opposite Eureka. The other half of the time was spent in making 
various trips by foot, by team, by stage, and b.y rowboat about the 
bay and the rivers mentioned. 

Considerable information as to former conditions was gathered 
from pioneers of the region and particularly from Robert Gunther, 
the owner of the island where the excavation was made. The Indian 
informants were : John Stevens, who gave the Athapascan names of 
the places between Blue Lake and Maple creek; Jim Brock, of Blue 
Lake, who gave the Athapascan names of villages along Mad river 
from its mouth to ilaple creek; Tom Brown and Aleck Sam, at the 
mouth of Mad river, who gave the Wiyot names of places on Mad 
river from its mouth to Blue Lake, as well as several sites on the 



1 Max Uhle, Emeryville Shellmound, 1907; N. C. Nelson, Shellmounds of the 
San Francisco Bay Region, 1909; N. C. Nelson, Ellis Landing Shellmound, 1910: 
present series, vil. E. W. Gilford, Composition of California Shellmounds, 191(i, 
present series xii. 



220 Viiiversity of California Publications in Am. Arcli. and Etiin. [Vol. 1-1 

coast; and Dandy Bill, an old Indian patriarch, who lived at Indianola, 
at the south end of the bay. The last named gave the Wiyot names 
of places on Humboldt bay, on Eel river from its mouth to Scotia, 
and on the coast from Trinidad Head to Cape Mendocino, as well as 
considerable histoi'y and general information concerning his people. 

While the manuscript as a wlioh' was read and criticized bj' Pro- 
fessor A. L. Kroeber, the writer sul)mitti'd to authorities in various 
brandies f)f learning those ]iiirti(ins of his inanuseript dealing with 
seiences other than anthrojjology, and in this connection wishes to 
acknowledge his ol)ligations to the following persons for their criti- 
ei.sm : W. L. Jepson, Profrssor of botany; Joseph Grinnell, Professor 
of Zoology; B. L. Clark, Corichologist ; J. C. Merriam, Professor of 
])alaeontology and geology; II. E. Bolton, Professor of American his- 
tory ; and 0. C. Coj-, Secretary of the California Historical Survey 
Commission. 

Tiie writer also wishes to acknowledge his obligation to Dr. A. L. 
Krorber and to Dr. T. 'i\ Waterman for their eourtrsy in allowing 
him to make use (if manuscript lists of geographical names which 
they had previously obtained. These lists of names together with 
notes will be foiuid appended to tlie lists of geograjiliical names ob- 
tained by the writer. 



ENVIRONMENT OP HUMBOLDT BAY REGION 
PHYSIOGRArilY 

Humbf)ldt bay is fourteen miles long and fr<im half a mile to three 
and one-half miles wide. It is sejiarated from the ocean by a sand- 
dune ridge, having a width of a ipuirter of a mile to one mile. 
Tliis dune reaches in jilaees an eh'vatiou of fS5 feet. The channels in 
tlie bay are quite narrow, but in jilaces are 50 feet deep, and maintain 
de])ths of 10 to 20 feet at low tide clear to the very extrenuties of the 
bay. With the exception of these narrow clnuuiels. the bay is only 
'■i to 5 feet dee}> at low tide, and exhibits extensive nuul tlats (pis. 1, 
2, and 3). 

The largest marsh areas are to the northeast, up Eureka slough, 
and to the soutlieast, u]i llookton shmgh and Salmon creek. At the 
north end of tlie bay a mai-sliy ai'ea eonneets with Mad river, which 
in times ]iast undoubtedly had two or more outlets, one channel lead- 
ing dii'eet to the ocean, the othei' channel passing into and through 



1918] Loud: Ethmgeography and Arcliaeology of the Wiyot Territory 227 

Humboldt bay. It is likcl.v that there was always one channel direct 
to the sea, because if there had once been an interruption in the flow 
of the stream, sand-dunes would soon have piled to a sufficient height 
to block the flow in that direction. Mad River slough nearly connects 
with the river, and in early days lumbermen finished the connection 
so as to float logs from the river into the bay. There might also have 
been a connection at one time with the bay by way of Daniels slough, 
near Areata. 

Between Mad and Little rivers there is a plateau of over 100 feet 
elevation. The edges of this plateau form a steep blufE close to Mad 
river, and less than half a mile from the ocean. Plate 5, figure 1 
shows the mouth of Little river, and the more rugged character of the 
coast for three miles to the northward. In the center of the picture 
is shown Little River Rock, 120 feet elevation ; to the left in the dis- 
tance is Pilot Rock, 103 feet elevation, and in the background is 
Trinidad Head, 380 feet elevation. At the mouth of Little river the 
change from au abrupt rocky coa.st to a sandy beach and sand-dunes 
is very marked. To the left of the picture is seen the sandy beach, 
which extends southward uninterruptedly nearly to Cape Fortunas. 
Plate 8, figure 1, and plate 10 show the character of the sand-dunes 
to the south of Mad river. 

Between the mouth of Little river and Cape Fortunas, as well as 
on the shore of the bay, there are no rocks suitable for the attachment 
of mussels, though there used to be many redwood logs in the bay to 
which the small mussel, Mytilus edulis, could attach. The large rock 
mussel, Mytilus calif ornianus, is abundant north of Little river, and 
also about Cape Fortunas, off which are numerous rocks. 

Between Eureka and Salmon creek there are bluffs twenty feet 
high or more. Some of the Indian village sites were on top of the 
bluffs, and some on the lowlands. Red Bluff, 100 feet in elevation, 
made the discovery of the entrance to the bay from any ship impos- 
sible, being situated, as it is, directly back of the opening in the sand- 
dune ridge, thus making the shore line appear continuous at a little 
distance. To the southeast of the bay, Humboldt hill rises direct from 
the shore to an elevation of 600 feet (pi. 5, fig. 2). The south end of 
the bay is separated from the delta of Eel river by a small plateau, 
Table Bluff, 165 feet in elevation. 

Eel river delta has a frontage on the ocean of eight miles and 
stretches inland eight or ten miles, tidewater reaching as far as 
Fortuna. Here the course of the river had been so erratic that tlie 



228 University of California FiMications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

Iiidiau village sites could not be located with any degree of accuracy. 
The delta, triangular in shape, is bordered by steep hills, the position 
of which can be judged from the map (pi. 1) by the position of the 
three towns, Loleta, Ferndale, and Fortuna, all of which lie at the 
base of the hills. 

It will l)e readily understood that the area of lowland and marsh 
is rather restricted, when we learn that the distance between the mouth 
of Mad river and the southern edge of the Eel river delta is only 
twent.y-seven miles. This area is shut in on all sides by mountain 
ridges rising to an elevation of over 3000 feet, and sweeping around 
in a semicircle from Trinidad Head to Cape Mendocino, fifteen miles 
south of Eel river, where tin' lOOO-foot contour line is within half a 
mile of the coast. 

FOREST 
This encircling mountain ridge would act, to a considerable extent, 
as a barrier in keeping separate peoples apart, but of much greater 
imi)iii'taiii'c w(iuld be thi' barrii'rs of vi'gctation. The chii'f forest tree 
is the coast redwood, Srquoid s( inpcrviroLs, which is found only 
within reach of the ocean fogs, or inland for a distance of about thirty- 
five miles at most. The eastern Ixiundary of the redwood belt is shown 
on llie iiuqi (pi. 1). Professor .lejison says of this tree r 

It i.s tlic tallest tree on the American continent. In the forests near Seotia, a 
tree (i(i2 years old . . . h;i<l a trunk diameter of 10 ft. 5 in., at (i ft. above the 
gronnd, and was 340 ft. in lieij;lit. Trunks from l.j to 20 ft. in diameter are not 
uncommon in that region. 

The tii'st land jiai'ty. cDiiniig frmii the Sarrami'uto valley liy way 
111' the Trinity mini's. I'eaciiing the coast just a little south iif Little 
river DeecmbiT It). 1849. describi's the jiiurncy through the forest 
as folhiws ;^ 

Through tliis forest we could not travel to exceed two miles a day. The reason 
of this was the immense quantity of fallen timber that lay upon the ground in 
every conceivable shape and direction, and in very many instances one piled npon 



- W. L. Jepson, Flora of Western Miildle <'alifornia (Berkelev, Encina I'ubl. 
Co., ]!)01 ), p. 24. For the largest tree known see W. W. Elliott & Co., History of 
Ilumljohlt (.'ounty, California (San Francisco, 1881), p. 141, referring to Hutcdiings' 
(.California Magazine, 18,j(i. This w'as a hollow tree measuring thirty -three feet 
in diameter, situated near where the early trail from Trinidad to the Klamath 
mines crossed Redwood creek. It was freiiuently used as a .shelter by parties 
composing pack-trains. 

■'■ The Discovery of Humboldt Bay, a narrative by L. K. Wood, first published 
in Humliuldt Times, 18.t(), revised and republished 1872 (?) in West Coast Signal, 
repuldished in W. W. Elliott & Co., History of llundnildt County, California (San 
Francisco, 1881), pp. 83-9.5. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 229 

another so that the only alternative left us ivas literally to cut our way through. 
To go around them was often as impossible as to go over them. We were obliged, 
therefore, constantly to keep two men ahead with axes, who, as occasion required, 
would chop into and slab off sufficient to construct a sort of platform by means 
of which the animals were driven upon the log and forced to jump off on the 
opposite side. There was not the least sign indicative of the presence of any of 
the animal creation; indeed it was almost as impenetrable for them as for us, 
and doubtless was never resorted to save for purposes of shelter. 

Some idea of the densitj' of these forests can be gained, when we 
learn that single acres have yielded as high as 1,300,000 board feet of 
lumber, while other claims have been made that two and a half million 
board feet stand on some acres.* This is equivalent, in the first 
instance, after all the waste of cutting and manufacture, to a solid 
layer of wood evenlj' spread over an acre of ground to a depth of 
thirty inches in thickness, or in the second instance, to a depth of 
fifty-seven inches. 

Associated with the redwood is not over twenty-five per cent mix- 
ture of Douglas spruce, tideland spruce, coast hemlock, red cedar, and 
tan oak. On the top of the ridges to the east of the redwood belt lies 
a second timber belt composed of tan oak, black oak, Oregon oak, 
madrona, California chestnut, California laurel, and yellow pine. 
The North Spit for about half of its width is occupied by sand-dunes 
without any trees or shrubs, but there is a strip next the bay with 
shrubs and beach or scrub pine. 

W. L. Jepson, in his memoir on the Silva of Califorma, describes 
ninety-two species of trees in the state, which he divides into five forest 
provinces, the North Coast Range province having the greatest num- 
ber of species, namely, fifty-nine. This is the chief forest area of 
the state because of the greater rainfall, and the species are numer- 
ous because of the mingling here of the typically Californian forms 
and the northern coast forms. Many of the species reach their great- 
est dimensions in the North Coast province, though others grow 
to larger size in Oregon and Washington. Table 1 at the end of this 
paper shows the great variety of species found in the territory under 
consideration, that is, in the territory within the limits of the map, 
plate 1. A few of the species included in the table may not be 
very common, but on the other hand the writer may have left out 
two or three which should be included. A perusal of the table, with 
a note of the size to which the several species grow, will show most 
conclusively that the Wiyot Indians lived in a true forest environ- 



4 W. L. Jepson, Silva of California, Mem. Univ. Calif., Ii, 131, 1910. 



2:')0 University of California Fublication.i in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

ment — a forest not to be excelled outside of the tropics. Even plants, 
which in other climates are mere bushes, here become trees of con- 
sideraljle size. 

PRAIRIE 

Witliiu the forests, at all elevations from sea level to the top of the 
ridjics, there were small ojien i)atehes, known locally as "prairies," 
])rodueing' g'l'ass, ferns, and various sijiall phuits. These jn-airies are 
too numerous to mention in detail. A few of the more important are 
located on the map. ]\Iost (jf these patches if left to themselves would 
doubtless soon have ]in)(lucrd forests, but the Indians were accus- 
tonu'd to burn them aiuiually so as to ii-atlier various seeds, especially 
a species of suntlower," j)rol.iably W'ljfthia luH(jiciiulis. The statement 
of Professor Jejison'' that "tliere is today more wooded area in Ilum- 
lioldf Ciiuiity than wiieu the white mim came over a half century 
since,"" was eoufirnuHl by rejiorts made to the writer tliat some of 
tlie old i)rairies had come up to yoiHi;^' g'rowth of forest. 

Tiiese prairies were of iueakndable value to the liuliaiis, not alone 
foi- tiieir ve,uetablt.' pr(i(hiets, hut also for the game found ujiou tlu'ui. 
A sharp contrast is drawn between tiie animal life in t!ie forests and 
on these prairies, in the accounts of the exploration party ]ireviously 
mentioned." At one time the paiiy fasted tliree days and lost two 
pack ninles by hunger and e.xhanstion, t)efore they came to a i)rairie 
stocked with game and grass. Kroin thei-e they went on for ten days 
without "the sight of any li\'ing thing that could be made avaihd)le 
or useful for food." Tiu'n ascending a rocky eminence they readied 
anotlier prairie wliere they saw "on one side ... little knots of deer, 
on anothi-r and m^an/r ... a large herd of elk, and still in anotlier 
direction both." Bef<tre reaching any of this game they met and shot 
five grizzly bears. 

INDIAN TRAILS 

One of the men in the above miiitioned party and several of the 
iiinh's starved to deatli liefofe the trip ended, but the Indians were 
better acijuaintid witii Ihi' location of tliese oases, as it were, in the 



f' Gporgc Gibb.s, Jiiiini;il of tlic cxpeilitioii of R. McKce from Soiumiii to tlie 
Klaiiiiitli river in IS.Tl, in II. R. Sc'liook-raft, Imlian Tribes, in, 127, 18.12, pub- 
li.slicil by authority of Congress, 18li0. 

iJ W. L. .Irpson, Silva of California, op. at., p. Hi. 

7 L. K. Wood, op. cit., pp. 80-87. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 231 

midst of desolation, and they maintained regular trails between them. 
A few of the trails are located on the map, plate 1. The principal ones 
are as follows : 

1. From the mouth of Mad river down the coast and down the North Spit to 
site 23, where visitors to Gunther island would shout or build a fire to attract 
attention so that a boat would come for them. 

2. From the mouth of Mad river to Areata Prairie; thence around the marsh 
on the east side of the bay to site an on Eureka slough; thence over the hills to 
the rear of Eureka direct to site 73 ; thence down the east side of the bay and up 
Salmon creek, crossing it just below site 91; and then continuing southward to 
Eel river near Fortuna. This is the trail over which the Indians guided the party 
of L. K. Wood. That portion, at least, extending from Salmon creek to Eel river 
was called woxlok.s 

3. Beginning on Mad river two or three miles below Blue Lake and extending 
to Eedwood creek. Name, tatekwowok. 

4. From Blue Lake, site Y, to Liscom hill. 

5. From Blue Lake to Bald mountain, passing the "arrow tree," site An. 

6. From Mad river, site ak, to Boynton Prairie. 

7. Up Jacoby creek to Boynton Prairie. 

8. From Jacoby creek to Blue Lake. 

9. From Eureka slough, site am, to Kneeland Prairie. 

10. From the head of canoe navigation on Elk river to Kneeland Prairie. 

11. From the entrance to the harbor, site 112, following the bay shore doivn 
the South Spit to site 109 ; thence crossing over to the ocean beach and follow-ing 
that southward to Table Bluff ; then following the ridge of Table Bluff in a south- 
easterly direction ending at site aw on Eel river. The name of this trail was 
laloeka or lalowoka. It had five branch trails connecting with the chief villages 
at the south end of the bay. 

12. From site 100, yawonawok, to the main trail on top of Table Bluff. The 
name of this trail was yawonawok-holowoL. The word holowoL seems to be a com- 
pound from ho'l, "water," and woLel, "trail." 

13. From site 90, toktowoka, to the main trail along the ridge. Name, 
toktowoka-holowoL. 

ETHNOBOTANT 

As the writer devoted his main inquiry to the location of village 
sites and facts regarding them, he did not have a great amount of 
time to spend in the study of ethnobotany, however desirable that 
might have been. Nevertheless, he noted a few of the more useful 
plant species and obtained their Wiyot or Athapascan names. Other 
Wiyot names, those in parentheses, are taken from A. L. Kroeber's 
"The Languages of the Coast of California North of San Francisco."" 



8 For orthography of Indian names obtained by the writer see introductory 
remarks preceding the Lists of Geographical Names. 

9 A. L. Kroeber, present series, ix, 409, 1911. A more specific account of the 
ethnobotany of the region eighty miles southeast of Humboldt bay can be found 
in V. K. Chesnut, Plants Used by the Indians of Mendocino County, U. S. National 
Herbarium Contributions, vn, 1902. 



232 Dniversity of Calif urnia Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethii. [Vol. 14 



Wiyot riant Names and Uses 

Trees 
Rudwood, mopel (wopL). 
Pine (mukweti). 

.Spruce, two species, tok, woiiok (dak, dap). 
Willow (tigeLJ. 
Alder (wit). 

Bekrie.s 
Currant, Hihcs saiiguinciuii. 
Blackberry, Suhiui vitifoiius (niip). 
Thimbleberry, Riihus parvifioru^ (kiwatcliokwere). 
Salmou-berry, Eubus mcnzicsii (we 'taw). 
Sand Strawberry, Frayaria chilensis. 
Salal-berry, Gaulthcria shallon (mikwel). 
Sand-berry, Arctostaphylos uva-ursi, shogowi. 
Huckleberry, Vaccinium ovalum (mo'kel). 
Red Bilberry, Vaccinium parvifoUum. 

Seeds 
Wild oats, Ai'cna sp. (rakwiyidag' eral). 
Suntlower, W iicthia UmyicauUs ('!). 
Other edible seeds (eeerawen, mokerits, raladetlien, Lokfii). 

Edible Hekbs 
Clover, TrifiiViiiin sp., rukoiyi. 
Sweet anise, Cniiiiii kiHtHjgii, siswileatkok. 
Other edible herbs, w:ni. 

Edible Roots 
Indian "potato," Bradiaca coronaria, topoderos (boderfie). 
Otlier edible roots (weL, lilukat, bokitcliere, rapcane). 

Other 1'l\nts of Value 
Soap-root, ('Jiliinii/iihi in ponii ridianum (katsera). 
Fern, Woodwarilia sp. (tigwametsha-weL). 
Squau'-grass, Xi rtipliiilltim tcnux (himcue-weL). 
Tule, Sciipu-n sp. (sujiitk). 
Hazel, Cori/lns rostruta (legoLcs-weL). 
Viburnum, J'ihuinuiii cllipticum. 
Iris, 7ri.s macrosiphon. 
Tobacco, Nicotiana sp. 

Tlic it(1\vi)im1 was iiiilispciisalili' In 1lif iiiodci'ii Iiulians. Witliout 
it their culture woiilil lia\e hceii alloiivllier diflVrciif , but with it their 
eultm'e is remarl<ably similar in many respects to that of the coast 
fi-i)in Orefi'on to Alaska, whore cedar is used, both woods being simihir 
in tcx1ui-(> and easily worked with i)i-imitive tools, ("edar though 
pri'scnt on Wiyot tci-ritoi-y, is not abundant enough for the jjurposcs 
for wliicli a. soft wood is needi'd. With elk-horn wedges, planks 10 to 
l(j feet long and 12 to 5 feet witle were split out for house building. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Arcluieology of the Wiyot Territory 233 

the planks being sometimes put on end and sometimes on edge. 
Numerous inquiries were made of the pioneers as to the size of these 
houses and all the answers were remarkably uniform, some estimating 
the size to be 10 to 14 feet long, others 12 to 16 feet long. They were 
usually nearly square, but had some variation in different villages, 
which will be noted later. 

A second important use to which redwood was put was in canoe 
making. A good sized canoe would be 18 feet long and 4 feet wide. 
It was made from a log by being hollowed out with fire. This 
work was done a little at a time during the evenings so as to drive 
away mosquitoes. In former days, when there was a considerable 
Indian population on Eel river, these lights, as seen from a distance, 
were very numerous along the river. It is interesting to note that 
the Wiyot name for boat is not a simple root but a compound, 
ho'l-oici, "water-go." With the exception of the Sinkj'one and the 
Indians of the Santa Barbara islands, none of the Indians of Cali- 
fornia to the south of the Wiyot had canoes, but used tule rafts" 
instead, while all the tribes to the north had canoes which they used 
not alone on lakes, rivers, and bays, but on the ocean as well. 

The digger pine, Pinus sahiniana, though not so abundant as 
other ti'ees in the Wiyot area, was found on the eastern border of the 
redwood belt. It furnished nuts both for food and for making beads 
used in decorating the skirts of women. Both pine nut beads and 
beads made from small nutlets of Viburnum were found in a carbon- 
ized condition while excavating in a shellmound. Hazelnuts and 
acorns were obtained in large quantities on the ridges to the east of 
the redwood belt, though perhaps acorns were a somewhat less impor- 
tant food than in other parts of the state. 

The huckleberry was the most important of the numerous berries, 
and at certain seasons the Indians established camps to gather it on 
the North Spit, where the plant developed to greatest perfection. 
Strawberries were formerly much more plentiful than at present, 
especially on the sand-dunes between the entrance to the harbor and 
the mouth of Eel river. The sand-berry or bearberry, a rather dry 



10 For canoes among the Sinkyonc, and tule rafts on Clear lake, see George 
Glbbs, op. cit., pp. 107, 12.3. For canoes on Trinidad bay see below under Early 
Voyages. Stephen Powers, Tribes of California, Contrib. N. Am. Etlni., iii, 
48, 1877, gives what is to say the least a somewhat exaggerated description of the 
canoes on Klamath river which are practically identical with the Wiyot canoe. 
He says that the Indians would take a large canoe carrying five tons of dried 
fish, shoot the dangerous rapids and the surf at the mouth of the river, then go 
twenty-two miles up the coast to Crescent City, wliere the fish were exchanged 
for a boatload of merchandise. 



234 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 1-4 

drupe belonging to the heath famih', was eaten after being cooked. 
Tlic berries, together with hot coals, were put in a basket and shaken 
until nearly ready to pop. They were not allowed to burst because 
then too much of the starchlike pulp would be wa.sted. 

Various seeds of grasses, t'onipositae, etc., wei-e obtained from the 
l)rairies, as previously stated. TIh'sc were ground into flour, which 
was cooked in the form of soup or porridge. They were also eaten 
dry, after being parched. 

The blossoms and leaves from several species of clover were eaten 
raw. The stalks of sweet anise, a species of parsley, were also eaten 
raw after tlie skin was i-emoved. Tiiis plant was aljundant on Areata 
Pi-airie and was called .sisiciJi iilkok'^^ because it made the lips black, 
sl.sWd. 

Various roots and liullis wei'e used for food, of which one of the 
most desirable was that of Hrodinrn conmarki, a blue-tlowered. onion- 
like plant called ■'Indian potato" or topOdi'ros. This was important 
enough as a food ])roduct of the jirairie to the nortli of ]\Iad river, to 
give its name to Lindsey creek and to a camp site near its head where 
many of tlie corms were gatliei'ed at certain seasons. 

P'ish nets and rope, for snaring game such as elk and bear as well 
as snuiller animals, were made from the filjcr of iris leaves.'- A spe- 
cies of tobacco native to California was tlie only plant cultivated, 
and has Ijcen mentioned in the Spanish account of the discovery of 
Trinidad bay." 

Atliiii>iisriin I'linif Xiniin; 

Several plants and trees found in Wi\'ot territory were mentioned 

by the Athapascan informants living at Blue Lake. They are as 

follows : 

Pine, Finns pondcrosa, ilji'iiiewluuifj. 

Reilwooib Se<iuoia scniprrrin n.^, kliokwo. 

"Darli woDil, 4 iiu'ties in ilinnietcr," dama. 

Briisli, tet. 

"Wild Potato," Brodiaeai;) sp., kos. 

Wilcl oats. Arena sp., kloka '. 

Xettle, Vrtica lyallii (.'), lioldiC-k. 

Edible "grass," honsisaliwlipli. 

Ediljle fern roots, Ptcridium aquiliniim {"!), taeheuka '. 

Another fern, (Ijcniasluin. 



11 A. L. Kroel;er, Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, x.Ki, ."58, 1908, says that the root of 
si.suloiiiatfiiiin was used for purification after handling the cleacl. 

12 I'. E. (io.ldard, Life and Culture of the Hupa, present series, I. .I-'), 1903. 

i- See deserijitiou of toljaeeo and tol);ircn [lipcs under the heading, Olijects of 
Steatite and Slate. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 235 

The name honsisaliivhch was given as that of "a kind of grass that 
Indians eat, ' ' a plant growing three feet high and especially alnindant 
near site b. It is possibly the same plant that the Wiyot call sist- 
wileatkok, a species of parsley, Carum keUoggU. The "wild potato," 
kos, was described as being dug from wet and marshy ground and 
washed in a "lake" at site d, kos-tenaiete-ten. Nettle, which has a 
medicine in its roots, furnished the name for site f. In like manner 
wild oats, the two species of ferns, and "dark wood," furnish the 
names for sites k, s, i, and v, respectively, while Maple creek was 
named, djenietawhot, after the pine trees, djcmewhimg, growing there. 

FAUNA 
Animal bones were obtained bj' excavation in site 67 at various 
depths to nine feet. During the excavation an impression was gained 
that, compared with at least some of the mounds at San Francisco 
bay, there were relatively fewer mammal bones, more fish bones, and 
far more bird bones, perhaps twice as many. The observations were 
made from appearances only and not by any method of measuring. 
Later, when an aualj'sis of the mound composition was attempted, 
the figures obtained seemed to be in harmon.y with this judgment. 
However, as the analysis itself (see table 3 and the section on Com- 
position of the Mound) is more or less faulty, too much reliance 
should not be placed in these statements. 

Mammals 
Owing both to the fragmentary condition of the mammal bones 
and the lack of comparative material, some of the bones cannot be 
positively identified. Only five species were recognized, and these 
seem to occur at all depths in about the same proportions. They are 
given in the order of their abundance. 

Roosevelt wapiti or "elk," Cerciv^ roosevelti. 

Pacific harbor seal, Phoca rieh-ardi. 

Steller sea-lion, Eumetopias stclleri. 

Cetaceans, indet. 

Black-tailed deer, Odocoileus cnhtmhianim. 

Sea-otter, Latax lutris. 

Quite a few bones were gathered on sites 10, 11, and 12. including 
elk, seal, sea-lion, whale, and sea-otter bones. Owing to the lack 
of mammal remains in the shellmounds, we can do no better than to 
take a list of the animals of the region obtained from "Wiyot inform- 



236 University of CaliforiM Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

ants." To thi.s list we add the scientific names of the species to whieli 
they should probablj' be referred.^^ 

Cetacea 

Killer-whale, Orcinus rcctipinna or 0. atir, delabeliL.ie 

Whales, sp. imlet., kimak, dayugele. 

Porpoise, Pliocacna jihocacna, kerawagatkari. 

Cervidae 
"Elk," Ccrvus roost vtlti, me'lakw. 
Deer, Odocoihu-s colainhiaiius, lifiLakw, holakw.u 

I'lNNIPEDIA 
Seal, Flioca ric)iardi, matswaptsire. 
Sea-lion, Eumttopias .'itcUcri, gfimayoliL. 

Felidae 
Panther, Ftlis ori{ioncii.':ls, datgacanilL, datkaLaniL. 
Wild-cat, Lyni fascialus, datsgagererar. 

Canidae 
Coyote, Conis ochropiis, witskererar, witkaL. 
Wolf, C'anis giffns, rakwni.iriL. 
Dog, Conis familiaris, wSiyits, waiyets. 
Fox, Urovjion cincn o<irgnitcu.'<, halikwiliL. 

Procyii.n'idae 
"Civet-cat," Bassariscns dstutiis raptor, tcigereLfiriL. 
Raccoon, Prociion ps<ira pacifica, ra'raweie, tcweLig'atcfitci. 

Ursidae 
Bear, Vrsits onitricaniis, tsetsgeruLigerer. 
Grizzly, Vrstis hurrihilis. ni.akw, kanapeliL.'S 

ML.STELIDAE 
Otter, Liilra cainnhnsis iiacifica, sekseswiL. 
Sea-otter, Laiax littris iicrcis, da 'kere. 
Skunk, Ml pititis occiilinlolis. botcwi, butciwi.io 
Fisher, Maries pinnaiiti parijica, dikwagrnvi.20 
Miuk, Mustfla rison rut ri/umcnos. go'niiri. 
Weasel, Mti.sttla xaiitlii'O' nils niunda, tsugatLaiugoner. 

EoDENTIA 

Cliipiiuink, Kutantias tovnsi iidi ochrogcnys. selcs, beedfdiL. 

Gray sciuirrel, Sciunis grist us. wit 'Iiot. 

Gopher, Tliomomiis bottac laticcps, yaeueagatck. 

Hare, Siilrilagus baclnnani. 

Wood-rat, Ncotovia sp., i.etc. 

Wood-niinise, sp., indid., tseretshigarer. 



'■' A. Ij. Krober, present scries, ix, 407, 1911. 

1' Josejih (I'rinncll, Distributional List of Mannuals of California, Froe. Cal. 
Acad. Sci., .ser. 4, ni, 191.3. 
I'l Jhl. to catch fish. 
1" llt'i'l-alir, water-at. 
i" Kani'ipi li\.. biter. 
1'-' Cirn-i t, white. 
-0 Diku'a, poison. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Arcluicology of the Wiyot Territory 237 

In earl}' clays it was said to be no uncommon thing to see herds of 
forty and fifty elk. In 1850 a herd, judged to contain five hundred, 
was said to have been seen near Crescent City. Other game was 
also plentiful, but all accounts speak of the Wiyot as very indifferent 
hunters : ' ' not very expert with the bow, and it is not considered a 
dangerous weapon in their hands at the distance of fifty yards. "-^ 
However, thej' somewhat made up for their inexpertness with the bow 
by their abilitj' as trappers. With iris fiber ropes they snared deer, 
elk, bear, and panther, though the bear and panther sometimes chewed 
the rope and got away. If they caught a grizzly after the arrival of 
the whites, they usually let them do the killing rather than venture 
to do it themselves. 

Birds 

Water fowl are still numerous enough to make excellent hunting 
in season, and formerly they were very abundant, as is evident both 
by report and by the quantities of bones found in excavation of 
mounds and refuse heaps. No attempt has been made to identify 
the species to which these should be refen-ed, but it is reported that 
the most common were : ducks, geese, brant, curlew, mud-hen, swan, 
crane, pelican, gull, and cormorant. Other birds were eagle, bald 
eagle, condor, buzzard, hawk, crow, raven, blackbird, bluejay, king- 
fisher, woodpecker, robin, and "turtle" dove. There were such large 
flocks of the last near Little river that the Spanish explorer Bodega 
named it Rio de las Tortolas. 

Fi^h 

The fish of this region include salmon, crooked nose salmon, steel- 
head, trout, bass, lamprey-eel, herring, halibut, smelt, .sardine, 
flounder, rock cod, shark, dogfish, stingray, and sturgeon. Jim Brock, 
a half Wiyot, half Chilula Indian, of Blue Lake, stated that when he 
was a boy they used to eat more fish than elk or deer, and lower down 
the river the proportion of fish eaten would doubtless be greater than 
at Blue Lake. The statement is made by a white man that "you 
could load wagons with salmon that got stalled on Mad river. T 
heard a man report once that he was afraid to drive a horse across 
Mad river the salmon ran so thick. At the little sloughs near Areata 
you could get salmon with pitch-forks and fork them on to the bank." 



-1 R. C. Buclianan, Numlier, characteristics, etc., of Indians of California, 
Oregon and Washington; ri'port dated Aug. 1, 18.53, 34 Cong. 3 scss., serial 
no. 900, doc. 76, p. 24. 



238 Vniversitii of California Puhlications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

Wlietlier tlie reader is iuelined to take this as literally correct, a true 
fish story, or as a fiigure of rhetoric, makes little difference. If we 
ourselves had been present at some of the runs in those days we would 
doubtless have been led to use equally expressive language. Though 
salmon M'a.s the chief food fish, sturgeon wa-s important enough to 
furnish the Athapascan name for site j, klokwo'-sesko-ten, "sturgeon- 
s-place."-- Here there was shallow water where the Indians lined up 
and speared the fish as they passed. 

Eel river, being the fourth largest river in California, was an 
excellent stream for fishing, and here was gathered the bulk of the 
Wiyot population. The river was named by the whites from the 
abundance of lamprey-eel which furnished a sui)ply of food to the 
starving })art.\' of explorers with L. K. "Wood. The first salmon can- 
nery on I5el river was established in 18.33 by Dungan & Deuman, 
and liy 1858 half of the salmon packed in the state came from this 
river. In the early part of the fall fishing season of 1859 the news- 
papers-^ report that eight companies, all within four miles of the 
mouth, employing one hundred men, had already caught ovi/r 1200 
barrels, and that before the ciul of the season they expected to catch 
over 6000 barrels. 

The fishing grounds of the Indians were not limited to the rivers, 
for the ocM-an shorr furnisiird an abundant supply fif fish as well. 
The Cnscint City Herald-* in 1857 described a school of fish, includ- 
ing smelt, sardines, and other fish so small that ninety could be dipped 
up with one sweep of a cigar 1k)x. The shore at Crescent City was 
covered with fish a foot deep. Judging from the actions of water 
fowl, the fish extended three-quarters of a mile seaward, and they 
were so numerous that three men found it impo.ssible to row a skiff 
throu-g-h them. ^Methods of surf-fishing are described in a section to 
follow. 

The Wiyot were ju'eeminently a fisher folk, and no doubt the 
prehistoric people of this region were the same, as is evidenced by the 
(piantities of fish liones in the excavated site, though there was no 
special stratum of fish bones, except one pocket at the depth of three 
and a quarter feet around a whale vertebra. As a rule the fish bones 
were evenly distributed throughout the mound, usually in such small 



-- For the use of Iiypliciis ami qucstiira marks in the translation of Indian 
stems see remarks prefcdins tlie Lists of Geograjihical Names. 

2:1 San Francisco Bnlletin, Apr. 14, 1858; Dec. 4, 1858; Nov. 19, 1859, copied 
from liumlioldt Times, puljlishcd in Eureka. 

2-1 Copied by Sau Francisco Bulletin, Aug. 2(i, 1857. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Aroliceology of the Wiyot Territory 239 

fragments that they were inconspicuous. However, their presence 
was made plain by putting the mound material through screens. The 
results obtained by screening will be more fully discussed later iinder 
the heading of Composition of the Mound. At the depth of three 
and a quarter feet there were pockets of fish scales too conspicuous to 
need screening. 

Mollusks 

The mollusks obtained from the excavation on site 67, as identified 
by B. L. Clark, are given in the order of their apparent abundance, 
no exact measurement being made. 

Paphia stammea Con., hard-slielled clam, carpet-shell. 

Cardium corltis Mart., heart-shell, basket cockle. 

Scliisothaerus nuttallii Con., Washington clam. 

Mac.oma nasuta Con., soft-shelled clam, bent-nosed macoma. 

Saxidomus nuttallii Con., giant saxidome. 

Mytilus edulis Linn., soft-shelled mussel, edible mussel. 

E piphragmophora fidclis Gray, land snail, faithful snail. 

Natica Icwisii Gld., sea snail, moon-shell. 

Haliotis rufescens Swains., red abalone. 

Olivella iiplicata Sby., purple olive-shell. 

Dentalium pretiosum Nutt., dentalium, tusk-shell. 

Sinnites giganteus Gray, purple-hinged pecten, rock-oyster. 

Zirplmea crispata Linn., rough piddock. 

The first six comprised the food species from which the mound 
was built up, and of these the mussel was rather negligible in quan- 
tity. The land snails were found only in what were at one time the 
bottoms of house-pits, now filled in with recent material to a depth of 
two feet. In each pit there was a distinct layer containing many of 
these shells in unbi-oken condition. The house pits formed a par- 
ticularly moist and favorable habitat for this species. The sea snail 
was not numerous, there being only fifteen specimens from the upper 
three feet, and only fifty specimens at a depth of three to six feet. 

Abalone was present usually as an artifact, though there were a 
few fragments that showed no signs of workmanship. Abalone is 
practically limited to the coast to the south of Cape Mendocino, 
though a few rare specimens have been found on the rocks about 
Trinidad bay. The olive-shell is usually found as a bead in associa- 
tion with human remains, though a few which showed no signs of 
workmanship occurred in streaks of sand. It is considered probable 
that these were brought to the mound quite unintentionally in sand, 
which was transported thither for some reason or other. The den- 



240 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

talium shells were found only in association with human remains. 
They are of a species obtained rarely from the waters of Puget sound 
and' nortliward, and used as money by most of the Indians of the 
Paeitic slope. There were but three specimens of the peeten, one 
being found on tlie surface of the mound, the other two in association 
with" human renuiins. The piddoek was found only as traces in 
samples of mound nuiterial analyzed by E. W. Gifford. 

Sites 10 and 13 contained tlie same six food species as site 67, and 
in addition the razor-sliell, Siliqua patula Dixon, and a few large 
mussels, Mijfihis californianuus Con. At Brainards Point there is 
a hill reaching out througli the marsh exposing a bluff to the waters 
of tlie bay, and here, on one of the village sites, 49 or 50, two speci- 
mens of the rough piddoek, Zirphaca rrispata Linn., were found. 

Tlie soft-shelled mussel, Mytilu.<< ((lulls Linn., the most abundant 
species in the majority of the San Francisco bay mounds, takes a 
rather backward place on Ilumlioldt bay, where there are a few 
deposits several inelies in thickness on the North Spit and on Eureka 
slough. Site 59 liad a deposit seventy-five feet long and eight inches 
deep hirgely composed of mussel .shell.=^ The mussels of the bay were 
not attached to rocks, for there were none, but rather to the trunks 
of trees washed into the l)ay by freshets. 

Other Fauna 

Five samples of erab claws were olitained from site fiT at di-pths 
down to four and a half feet, vvliile a few of the samples analyzed 
showed small traces of crab shell. One specimen of the barnacle ])ara- 
site of whales, Coronula dkuhma Linn., was found at a depth of three 
feet, while three other specimens were at a depth of five and a half 
feet. On site 11 or 1'2 there was a (puirt or two of these in one heap. 
Otlier species of barnacles were found only as small traces. 

Ethnopalaeontology may be an unusual topic, but a few words 
might be said under tliis heading. Among other Indian relies ob- 
tained by Eobert Gunther from site 68 is a tooth of a mastodon. 
This was possil)ly olitained by tlie Indians at the base of Red Bluff, 
for (ieorge Davidsoir" says he found specimens of tlie "primitive 

:;5E W Ciffonl (iiresent series, .Xll) gives the compositi.m of tins deposit as 
follows:' 3!).7:u;', nu.ssel, 2.05% baruaele, 2(J.(i8% other shell, 12.089i ash, .-1% 
charcoal, .01% fish bones, and 19.23% residue. 

=0 George Davidson, I'aeilic Coast Pilot, California, Oregon and Washington, 
J). 102, 1800. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 241 

elephant" there in 1854, or it might have come from any one of sev- 
eral other fossil beds of the region. On Eel river above How creek 
there is a slide containing clam shell, abalone, etc. This place was 
called kotwaryQwok by the Wiyot. To the south of Little river along 
the ocean coast there are bluffs, over one hundred feet high, composed 
of blue clay, and filled with springs which cause slides, exposing 
fossil shells. There is another place on Mad river above Maple creek 
known as Blue Slide. 



DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT BY WHITES 

EARLY VOYAGES 

The first navigator to pass up the northern California coast was 
Ferrelo, Cabrillo "s pilot, in the winter of 1543. He and his associates 
described San Diego bay, Santa Barbara islands and adjacent coast, 
the mountains of San Francisco peninsula, a great gulf to the north of 
them, with a suspicion of a river, perhaps from muddy water, Point 
Re.yes, Point Arena, and a few other faint glimpses of the coast as far 
north as the mouth of Rogue river, Oregon. Because of severe storms 
he was almost shipwrecked, and to the northward was compelled to 
keep seventy or eighty miles off coast. 

Francis Drake passed southward along the California coast in 
June, 1579. His ship was leaking badly, so that after anchoring in 
Chetco Cove, near the northern boundary of California, he spent 
twelve days in the "thicke and stinking fogges" searching for a safe 
harbor where he might make repairs. But he discovered nothing 
until he reached Drakes bay, thirty miles northwest of San Francisco. 

Vizcaino passed Cape Mendocino in 1603, but after this the Span- 
iards did nothing for one hundred and sixty-six years, until, aroused 
by jealousies caused by the Russian exploration of Alaska, they began 
to plant their missions in California in 1769. Then voyages of explor- 
ation up the coasts of California, Oregon, and Washington became 
quite numerous. Among these wei-e expeditions bj- Perez, Ayala, 
Martinez, Haro, Artega, Fidalgo, and Quimper. But all of them 
failed to discover any very important details of the coast. 

Bodega in 1775 
The only early Spanish voyage of any interest to us is that of 
Bodega in 1775, who spent the time from June 9 to June 20 an- 



242 University of Calif urnia Publicutions in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

choi'ed in Trinidad bay.'-' This was a sufficient length of time to allow 
the explorers to chart tiie harbor, plant a cross on the hill, explore 
several miles of Little river, and make valuable observations on the 
rocks, tides, fish, birds, mammals, forests, flora, and inhabitants. There 
was a village almost within arrow shot of their point of anchorage, and 
during tlieir stay, from more distant villages "more than 300 came 
down in dift'erent parties, witli tlieir women and children."-* Several 
pages of description art' devoted to the customs of these Yurok Indi- 
ans, as they are now called — their clothing, ornamentation, tattooing, 
laws, government, language, canoes, houses, arms, and food. 

The exi)lorers believed themselves to be the only foreigners whom 
these Indians hiid ever seen, yet they mentioned some foreign influ- 
ence in these words: "Their arms are chiefly arrows pointed with 
flint, and some of them with copper or iron,-" which we understood 
were procured from the N. " Another edition"" mentions a further 
use of ii'on in the following language: 

The arms wliicli thoy used are arrows with flint points, knives of the same 
material, and some imperfect iron ones like a matdiete with wooden handles, it 
being understood that they provided themselves with these from farther north. 
They wear them hung aroiuid their necks, falling over their shoulders or tied to 
their wrists. 

From these references to iron and eop])rr it would appear to us 
that shi]is had previously stopped either at Trinidad bay or not far 
to the north. In tlu' early days of exploration as well as in the suc- 
ceeding days of the whale trade and fur trade, and also even after the 
est ablishiiicnt of trading posts iiy the Hudson l'>ay (Company on the 
Columbia river, scraps of iron, barrel hoops, tiles, cooking utensils. 
and metal in any other form, were the most eagerly sought articles of 
trade. This metal was fashioned by the Indians into the shapes 
that they drsired. There are at the University museum half a dozen 
ii'on knives I'anging in lenu'th from thirte(>n to twentv-six inches. 



27 Journal of a Spanisli Voyage in 177.5, by Don Antonio Maurelle. second 
pilot of the expedition ; translated by Daines Harrington in Miscellanies. London, 
1781, ]ip. 471-.''iH4. A somewhat diii'erent account of this voyage is given under 
the title: Primer viaje do ... Bodega y Quadra ... aiio de 177.5, published in 
Anuario de la direccion de hidrogratia, ano ni, 18(i4, pp. 279-294, Madrid, 186.5. 
There are some discrepancies in the dates, these here given being from the transla- 
tion by Harrington. 

-'^ Ibid., Barrington eilition, \>. 487. 

-8 Ibid., p. 489. The translator in a footnote states that similar arrow points 
made of metal eould be seen in his day, 1781, in Sir Ashton Lever's Museum, in 
collections from St. George's sound, N. Lat. 50°, i.e., Vancouver island. 

30 Ihid., Madrid edition, 186.5, p. 284. 



1918] Lmid: Ethiwgcography and Aroliaeology of the Wiyot Territory 243 

They were obtained from the Yurok and Tolowa Indians. They have 
elk horn handles and appear in every way to be of Indian make. 

From the Spanish accounts quoted above there is a suggestion 
that the knives were used by the Indians of Trinidad bay for pur- 
poses of ostentation, suspended from the neck in a similar manner to 
that in which ceremonial knives of obsidian are worn in dances. At 
that date metal would quite likely be too highly prized by the Indians 
to the north to be parted with in trade between themselves and their 
southern neighbors. 

In the matter of clothing, ornamentation and the like, the Indians 
at Trinidad ba.y in 1775 are described as having customs similar to 
those which were found to prevail from Humboldt bay to the Klamath 
river at the time of the American settlement. At the present time 
elderly women are to be seen at Humboldt bay with three vertical 
tattoo marks on the chin, though in almost all other respects these 
Indians have adopted the white man's ways. Of the houses at Trini- 
dad bay in 1775 we have this description :^' 

Their houses were square, aud built with large beams, the roofs beiug no 
higher than the surface of the ground,, for the doors to which they make use of a 
circular hole just large enough for their bodies to pass through. The floors of 
these huts are perfectly smooth and clean, with a square hole two feet deep in the 
center, in which they make their fire, and around which they are continually warm- 
ing themselves, on account of the great cold. 

As to the use of canoes at Trinidad bay we will quote as follows :^- 

On the 14th [July 1775] I awaited the high tide in order to leave. At this 
time numerous canoes of Indians gathered, very tractable apparently, who with 
the greatest docility sold their pelts to members of my crew. . . . After this 
reciprocal traffic I sent six men ashore well armed with the boatswain, to cut wood 
and timber . . . but on disembarking for their tasks more than 300 Indians 
attacked them, surprised them, aud in my opinion, killed them; . . . but without 
any boat in my ship, and without the aid of either of the frigates, they being so 
far away that we could scarcely see them, and being without sufficient number of 
men, I had no recourse, at the time, than consider means of returning to punish 
the attack ; for this purpose I prepared to set sail. 

The savages observing my movements, and perhaps realizing the few persons 
who remained with me, and being moreover encouraged by the smallness of the 
sloop, embarked in about 10 canoes with 28 or 30 Indians in each, and approached 
my vessel with the object of impeding my departure. . . . Having succeeded in 
killing six Indians, wounded others, and overturned their canoes I succeeded iu 
setting sail. 



31 Ihid., Harrington edition, p. 485. 

32 /&)•(?., Madrid edition, 1865, p. 285. This account of hostility does not agree 
with the Journal as translated by Harrington, whicli says: "we never observed 
anything contrary to the most perfect friendship and confidence which they 
seemed to repose "in us. I may add, that their intercourse with us wiis not ouly 
kind, but affectionate. ' ' 



244 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etltn. [Vol. 14 

Vancoiivcr in 1793 

111 1790 the king of England sent out two ships under command 
of George Vancouver to explore the Pacific. These ships were an- 
chored in Trinidad bay May 2 to May 5, 1793, while the party spent 
two days on shore. Vancouver described the Indians liere in the 
following words -P 

The next morning I went on sliore . . . Most of the inhabitants of tlie village 
were absent in their canoes, trading alongside the ship, leaving a few old women 
only to attend us; these ... I accompanied to their habitations, which consisted 
of five houses built of plank, rudely wrought . . . neither wind nor water tight. 
. . . Their roofs . . . rise with a small degree of elevation to a ridge in the mid- 
dle . . . The upright boards forming the sides and ends of the house are not 
joined close enough to exclude the weather, the vacancies are filled up with fern 
leaves and small branches of pine trees. The entrance is a round hole in one cor- 
ner of the house close to the ground, where with diificulty a grown person can 
find admittance. . . . Four of these houses .seemed to have been recently built, 
and were on a level with the ground. These appeared to be calculated for two 
families of six or seven persons each; the other, which was smaller and nearly half 
underground, I supposed to be the residence of one family, making the village 
according to this estimate to contain about sixty persons. . . . Their merchandise 
consisted of bows, arrows, some very inferior sea otter skins, with a scanty supply 
of sardinias, small herring, and some flat fish. Their numbers during the forenoon 
seemed to multiply from all quarters, particularly from the southward, from 
whence they arrived both by land and iu their canoes. These people seemed to 
have assembled in consequence of signals that hiid been made the preceding even- 
ing, soon after the last party returned to the shore. A fire had been then made, 
and was answered by another to the southward on a high rock in the bay; the same 
signal was repeated in the morning, and again answered to the southward. . . . 

The number of inhabitants belonging to the village seemed to be about sixty; 
the others, who came from the southward, were all armed with bows and arrows. 
These they at first kept in constant readiness for action, and would not dispose of 
tlicni, nor even allow of their being examined by our people. They seated them- 
selves together, at a distance from o\ir nearer neighbors, which indicated them 
to be under a different authority; at length however they became more docile and 
familiar, and offered for sale some of their bows, arrows, and sea otter skins. 
The bow and arrows were the only weapon these people appeared to jxjssess. 
Their arrows were made very neatly, pointed with bone, agate, or common flint; 
we saw neither copper nor iron a]iprn|iriated to tliat purpose; and they had knives 
also made of the same materials. . . . 

Their clothing was chiefly made of the skins of land animals, with a few 
indifferent small skins of the sea otter. All these they readily disposed of for 
iron, whicli was in their estimation the most valuable commodity we had to offer. 

The hi^li rock wlici-c the tire was built was doubtle.ss Little River 
Kock, T_'() I'iM't ill I'lcvatinn and less than a mile from botli sites 1 and 2 
(ma]), 1)1. 1). Tlie half under^ironml house, described also by Mau- 



33 George Vancouver, Voyage of Discovery, 1790-1795 (London, 1798), ii, 
241-213, 247. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 245 

relle as the sacred palace of their ruler, is doubtless what is known 
to us as the sweat-house. Maurelle and Vancouver agree on many 
points of description. Their only disagreement is in regard to the 
use of metal for some of their arrow points, yet here the statement of 
Maurelle is too circumstantial for doubt as to its correctness. The 
apparent disagreement in regard to houses can be accounted for by 
supposing that iu Maurelle 's time the houses were nearly buried in 
clam and mussel shell, while eighteen years later they have been 
rebuilt. 

Winship in 1806 

In the early part of the nineteenth century the Russians in Alaska 
engaged a number of American "tramp" ships in trapping sea-otter 
on the coast of California and lower California. These ships some- 
times brought back from two thousand to five thousand sea-otter skins, 
besides what they stole. There are accounts^* of their visiting San 
Francisco bay, San Luis Obispo, and ports of Lower California, 
where it seems they obtained the most skins. 

Quite a quantity of sea-otter bones are found in some of the San 
Francisco baj' shellmounds, while less than half a dozen were obtained 
from the archaeological sites of Humboldt bay. Vancouver mentions 
the "verj- inferior sea otter skirLs" of Trinidad bay, and to make the 
emphasis doubly strong, speaks a second time of the "few inditferent 
small skins." This explains why the Russians so ha.stily passed by 
this part of the coast. However, to them belongs the honor of having 
first discovered Humboldt bay. 

In May, 1806, Captain Jonathan Winship came to Sitka with an 
American ship and the Russian governor made a contract with him 
to take one hundred Aleuts with fifty small boats on a ten to four- 
teen months' hunting trip to California. On this trip Humboldt bay 
was discovered and charted. This chart was combined with that of 
Trinidad bay made by Vancouver, and published in an atlas com- 
piled by Tebenkof iu 1848. On page 42 of the explanatory volume 
this chart has the following description:^^ 

About eight and a half miles from the port of Trinidad [seventeen and a half 
miles really] is found the entrance to the Bay of Indians, called the entrance of 
Eesanof. According to the Colonial Documents of the Russian American Com- 



34 George Davidson, Discovery of Humboldt Bay, in Trans, and Proc. Geog. 
Soe. Pacific, 1891, gives a bibliography and summary of the chief events. 

35 Tebenkof, Atlas of the Northwest Coast of America, Aleutian Islands and 
North Pacific, St. Petersburg, 1852; subehart to chart xiii, reproduced as plate 2 
in this paper. The quotation is from George Davidson, Discovery of Humboldt 
Bay, op. cit., p. 11. 



24ti Viiivemity of California P uhlicat ions in Ajn. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

I)uny, it appears that it was discovered by citizeus of the United States. In 180G 
there was in it (on an American vessel), under the command of Winship, a sea- 
otter party of Aleuts, under the leadership of Slabodtshikoif , which was met by 
the Indians inimically. This bay has not been carefully surveyed, but it is known 
that it is of considerable size; and somewhat resembles the Bay of San Francisco, 
except tliat the entrance to it for vessels of large class is not convenient, and 
with strong southwest winds it is even impassable for any kind of vessel. The 
depth at the entrance is two fathoms, and then the ocean swell breaks on the bar. 

Lacking any narrative of the expedition, tlie chart itself furnishes 
lis with our only evidence as to what the party did while in the bay. 
The writri- has made srvi-ral trijis aI)out tiie hay in a rowboat from 
the uorthernniost to the soutliermnost extremities, and feels himself 
competent to makr the iimjualificd statement that Winship never 
sjient more tiian two days inside the bay, because if he had sta.yed 
longer lie woukl iiavr diseovcn-d more of tlu' (h'tails, though he was 
almost faultlessly accurate in charting everything that he did see, 
even to clumps of trcrs on Gunther island, and breaks in the hills 
where streams came down, llis movements during a two days" stay 
were probably as follows: 

He entered the harbor, taking soundings as he proceeded up the channel to 
his point of anchorage between Samoa and Gunther island. Tlie next day, with 
the incciming tide, he l)roceeded up tlie bay in a rowboat as far as an Indian 
village on the North Sj)it, perhaps on site 2!), which, being situated on top of 
an old sand-dune ridge, wouhl be conspicuous from the bay. He did not go far 
enough to see Mad River slough. From this Indian village, at tlie time of high 
tide, he crossed the bay to Brainards Point, where there was another village con- 
spicuous from the bay — site 48, 49, or 50. Here he climbed the hill, .saw Jacoby 
creek to the north, and made his .sketches of the northern part of the bay. From 
here he returned to the ship, keeping well to the west of the islands, as would 
be to his advantage in reaching his ship if the tide were falling. 

The abnormal projection of the three islamls to the northward shows that 
they were sketched while the tide was low, exposing the mud flats. Tw'o of 
tho most prominent archaeological sites (07, (18) of the region are situated on 
(tunther island, and it is inconceivable that one or both of them were not 
occupied by Indians in iSOii, because the island is one of tlie most advanta- 
g<;ous locationg on tlic bay. Tlie mounds of these sites were covered with trees 
or bushes, except for the area immediately about the houses. The approaches 
for canoes were on the southeastern rather than on the northwestern side. The 
Russians did not enter the channels to the southeast of the islands, for if they 
had they would have quickly .seen that the shore of the bay here ran east and 
west, rather than north ami south. Tliey also failed to see Eureka slough. 
Under these conditions the villages on Gunther island, though so close to the ship, 
could have been overlooked, but on the other hand the settlements could not have 
mi.ssed being discovered by some of the Aleuts with their lifty boats if the ship 
had remained anchored for more tli;in one day near the island. It would have 
been a most natural thing for all who had had no duties assigned to them to 
spend the tirst day on the North Spit, or on tlic shore below Eureka. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Aroluxeology of tlw Wiyot Territory 247 

The second day, the officers, after -visiting a village somewhere near Bucksport 
and another near the entrance to the harbor, and finding that there were no furs 
of value among the Indians, would naturally be inclined to proceed on their 
voyage, but before leaving the bay they doubtless ascended Red Bluff so as to 
get a look at the south end of the bay. They saw and entered on their chart the 
position of a slough behind Bed Bluff, but did not see Elk river, unless Elk river 
at that time had its outlet through the slough. An examination of the United 
States Coast and Geodetic Survey chart of 1858 (see pi. 3) shows conclusively 
that the slough was an outlet to the river at one time, while at other times the 
outlet has perhaps even been to the north of Bucksport. As to the south end of 
the bay, none of the details, such as Salmon creek, Hooktown slough, or Table 
Bluff, could be seen from the top of Red Bluff, though the general rounding 
outline of this part of the bay could be determined. 

After Winship left, it is not known that the Russians visited the 
bay again, in fact it seems to be the testimony of the Indians^" that 
no other ship entered the bay previous to 1850. 

Gold Seekers' Rush in 1850 

It is an unsettled question whether Hudson Bay Companj^ trap- 
pers ever saw Humboldt bay or not. In 1830 to 1835 there were 
trappers on Rogue, Scott, and Trinity rivers,^' and doubtless on 
Trinidad bay. The writer is hardly qualified to express an opinion, 
but will say that he is yet to be convinced that any of them visited 
Humboldt bay. The Wiyot, Tom Brown, born about 1840, on site 7, 
a village much connected bj' intermarriage with the Yui'ok of Trini- 
dad bay, was living as a boy on Gunther island, site 67, when the 
ships of the gold seekers entered the baj\ He ran to his mother to 
ask what the strange white spots on the water meant, and she knew 
because she had seen Russian ships off Trinidad. This was the only 
mention bj^ Indian informants of whites before the time of the gold 
rush, though if inquiry had been made it is barely possible that other 
facts might have been brought out. 

The party of eight miners previously mentioned as coming from 
Trinity river, discovered the baj' on December 20, 1849,^* and were 
led by the Indians from the south end of the North Spit around the 
bay, and thence to the present location of Fortuna. After being put 
across Eel river, near the junction of Van Duzen river, they continued 
on their way to San Francisco, meeting with many mishaps, and one 
dying of starvation. The following quotation from the narrative of 
L. K. Wood is of interest: 



3<i L. K. Wood, op. cit., p. 95. See the quotation below. 

37 W. W. Elliott &} Co., op. cit., p. 129. 

38 L. K. Wood, op. cit., p. 95. 



2-18 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

On the 21st we made our camp close to the bay, and opposite the present 
to^vn of Bucksport. We had been in camp but a short time when the chief Kiwe- 
lat-tah, alias "Old Coonskin," his two wives, and his brother Sliasepee, came in a 
canoe from the headland known as Humboldt Point [site 79], to see us, and from 
thorn we learned that no white person had ever been on the shores of the bay before, 
but that a long time ago, when they were children, a sail vessel had entered, re- 
mained a short time, went to sea and never returned. During our whole stay here 
of about ten days, the chief and his party remained with us night and day, except 
the two days we were camped at the head of the bay where Areata now stands. 

We left the bay on our way south on the 1st day of January, 1850, and arrived 
at Sonoma on the 17tli day of February, from whence two of our party went to 
San Francisco. The others immediately set about recruiting a company to return, 
and soon succeeded in making the party about thirty strong, and in the early part 
of March, 18o0, when about to start, four of the recruits were arrested for murder 
(Indian killing), which delayed us. (Six should have been arrested, and five of 
the six hanged, as they never quit Indian killing, but kept it up after reaching 
here, which was the first cause of our Indian troubles). These worthies were 
taken to Benieia and confined on board a man-of-war, but by some means were 
released and soon returned to us, and we made our start the latter part of March, 
reaching the bay about the 19th day of April, IS.IO. We saw that the .schooner 
Laura Virginia was inside, and that Humboldt Point was occupied by her party. 
They did not see us, and that they should not, we shifted our course. 

This inirty divided and staked out the t(j\vn sites (if Areata and 
BiU'kspdi't. Pre%'ious to this even the wliereabouts of the port de- 
scribed h.y tlie Sjiaiiiards as Trinidad hay was unknown to American 
sailors. During the winter of 1849 no less than fourteen ships were 
fitted out to locate such a bay if it really existed, and a contest began 
to see which would be tlie first to discover anything of advantage. A 
part of the "Cameo" crew, in a rowboat, was the first to enter Trini- 
dad bay, where they were abandoned by the rest of the crew on the 
ship, while the "Laura Virginia" was the first to discover the mouth 
of Klamath rivei', Ajiril 3. 

The "Ryerson," the "General i\Iorgau." and a whalcboat eom- 
uuuided bj' Cajitain ]\IcDouald, entered Eel river within a few days 
of each other, April 5 to April 9, and sent land jiarties north to Hum- 
boldt bay. A land party belonging to the "Laura Virginia," coming 
from Trinidad bay, located the entrance to Humboldt bay April 7 ; 
and on April 9 the "Laura Virginia" entered the harbor.^' Numerous 
otlier ships came in after her, and within two months several parties 
arrived overland. The white men seemed to c()me from every direction 
at once. Each of these parties entered the real estate biisiness and 
began to stake out town sites lining the shores of Eel river, Humboldt 
bay, Trinidad bay, and Klamath river, and the Lidians took what 
was left. 



33 W. W. Elliott & Co., op. cit.. pp. 98-103. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 249 

INDIAN NEIGHBORS OF THE WIYOT 
WIYOT BOUNDARIES 

As alreadj' shown, the lowlands about Humboldt bay liave two 
very effective barriers separating them from the rest of California, 
namelj', phj'siography and vegetation. The resulting isolation favored 
the development of a specialized form of language known as Wij-ot.*" 
There was only one dialect for the region bounded on the north by 
the valley of Little river, and on the south by Bear River mountains. 
To the east the same dialect was spoken along Mad river for two or 
three miles above Blue Lake, and up Eel river for a mile or two above 
the mouth of the Van Duzen. On both of these rivers the eastern 
boundary of the Wiyot is where the deep caiions begin. 

Wiyot informants stated positively that they never fished on 
Little river. To the south of Little river there was considerable 
prairie, which abounded in game and vegetable foods, especially the 
"wild potato," the name of which, topoderos, was also the Wiyot 
name of Lindsey creek, at the head of which was a camping place, site 
B, for gathering these food products. All of this prairie land should 
be regarded as Wiyot territory, while the lower waters of Little river 
must be considered as Yurok possession. 

THE YUROK 

To the north there was an important settlement of the Yurok on 
Trinidad bay, where in former years, there was a large shellmound 
which is now reported to be washed away. Another but less important 
village was at the mouth of Luffenholtz creek (pi. 1, site 1). This 
village was called ta-pel-o by the Wiyot, because arrow points were 
made here from flint, pel, broken from a boulder on the shore. A 
third Yurok settlement or camping place was at the mouth of Little 
river, where there is a small deposit of the large mussel, Mytihts cali- 
fornianus. Plate 5, figure 1, shows the mouth of Little river with a 



*o Wiyot is the native name for the Eel river delta. It has slightly varying 
forms of pronunciation in the different languages of the region, and was first 
applied to the native inhabitants of the delta by George Gibbs, op. cit., p. 422. 
By more recent -m-iters the name has been applied to all who speak this language, 
whether living on Eel river, Humboldt bay, or Mad river. Different Wi3-ot inform- 
ants show considerable variation in the pronunciation of their language, but this 
is probably individual variation rather than dialectic difference. Stephen Powers, 
op. cit., pp. 9fi, 101, noted two variations. Viard or Wiyot, on lower Humboldt 
bay and on Eel river, and Pat'awat on Mad river, both however "very nearly 
identical. ' ' 



250 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

large square rock and uumerous smaller ones jiLst around the fii-st 
point. They lie directly in front of the village site, to which the Wiyot 
gave tlie name plet-kosom-ili, "rocks small." 

Social Barriers to Intfrmarria(je 
The "Wiyot appear to liave always had friendly relations and some 
intermarriage, with tlie Yurok. Intermarriage, however, was .some- 
wliat hindered by the social customs common to the northwest coast, 
which made one person belong to the wealthy aristocracy, and an- 
other to the poor class. Wealth was reckoned in dentalium shells, 
h)ng obsidian knives, scaljis of the woodpecker, white deer skins, and 
other objects. The white deer skins are esteemed in northwest Cali- 
fornia because of tlieir rarity.*' Wiyot informants knew of only 
three having been killed on ilad i-iver, one of these being sold to tile 
Klamath river Yurok, and llie two others to the Hupa. Trinidad, 
which was Yurok, was reported to have had many "big man," that is, 
wealtliy (uies. while ]\Iad river and IIuml)oldt bay had but few modcr- 
erately ricli men. Tlie village at the mouth of Eel river (site aq) was 
the most noted of all Wiyot settlements for the number of its rich 
men. Tom Brown, belonging to the leading family of site 7 on Mad 
river, paid one horse and $250.00 in American money for a Yurok 
wife from Big Lagoon. It will be readily understood tlmt Yurok 
wives of the better class were entirely beyond the means of most 
Wiyot men, and the Wiyot being poorer than the Yurok, the export 
of women was greater tlian the import. 

Yarok-Wiij'it-AJtjoiikin Linguistic Stock 

Tlie Wiyot and Yurok languages were until recently considered 
two independent and unrelated stocks of speech. Dr. A. L. Kroeber 
in 1910 made the fuHowing statement :*- 

Loose unification of languages that may be entirely distinct, based only on 
general or partial grammatical similarities, is unwarranted. The structural resem- 
blances between Yurok and Wiyot are however so close and often so detailed, as 
will be seen, as to create a presumption that lexical and genetic relationship may 
ultimately be established. 

In 191:-! Dixon and Kroeber made the following statement in vol- 
ume 15 f)f the Aiiurlra)! Aiithnipdlof/ist : "Renewed examination 



41 Albinos. See P. E. Goddard. present .scries, i, 84, 1903. The San Francisco 
Bulletin of Nov. 24, 18f!0, says that an American killed two white deer on the 
Klamath and sold them to the Indians for .$3.50.00. 

■12 A. L. Kroeber, present series, ix, 415, 1911. 



1918] Loud: Mthrwgeography and Arcltaeolog;/ of the Wiyot Territory 2.')! 

reveals sufficient lexical correspondences between Yurok and Wiyot 
to make certain the genetic unity which structural similarities have 
previously indicated as possible." In the same volume of the Amer- 
ican Anthropologist, Edward Sapir published a paper, tlie purpose 
of which was : " to show that not only are these so called stocks genet- 
ically related, but that they are outlying members — ^very divergent to 
be sure, but members nevertheless — of the Algonkin stock." 

How thej^ became so far separated from their eastern relatives it 
is impossible to say, but tliey must have been separated for a very 
long time. The Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Siksika or Blackfeet, until 
recently considered the westernmost members of the Algonkin stock, 
are found at the eastern base of the Rocky Mountains over seven hun- 
dred miles away. 

ATHAPASCAN NEIGHBOES 

To the east and south of the Wiyot lived people speaking the 
Chilula, Wliilkut, Nongatl, Sinkyone, and Mattole dialects, all of 
which are variations of the Athapascan form of speech. The evi- 
dence of language would indicate that their ancestors came originally 
from western Canada. They are often reputed to be of greater physi- 
cal and intellectual vigor than the lowland Indians about the bay, to 
whom they appear to have generally assumed a rather superior and 
hostile attitude, and by whom they were feared. Who the inhabitants 
of the uplands were before the arrival of the Athapascans can be 
only a matter of speculation. They might have been ancestors of the 
Wintun, the Yuki, or the Pomo. Whoever they were, because of their 
environment, thej- must always have been culturally distinct from 
the lowland people about Humboldt bay. The natural barriere, 
especially the redwood belt, would have always tended to keep the 
two apart. Hence the territory within the boundaries of the Wiyot 
language forms a convenient geographical unit for archaeological as 
well as etlmological study. 

The Chilula 

To the northeast, on Redwood creek, lived the Chilula. The writer 
is also inclined to regard the upper part of Little river as Chilula 
territory, though he has no very definite proofs to offer, except to 
say that the Chilula have a general reputation for establishing camp- 
ing places wherever there was no one to check them. It appeal's that 
they frequently fought with both the Yurok and tlie Wiyot. At a 



252 Vniversity of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

time since the American settlement they almost annihilated a Yurok 
raneheria on Big Lagoon. 

The Wiyot at Bine Lake (site z) were nearly exterminated bj' an 
attack only a year or two previous to the settlement of the whites, who 
reported seeing thirty or forty graves here as the result. After this 
attack some of the surviving women lived near Blue Lake with Chilula 
husbands. Whether or not these women were married before the fight 
is not known. Jim Brock, one of our informants, had a Cliilula 
father fi-om Redwood creek, while his half brother, Kneeland Jack, 
is a full blooded Wiyot. At the time of the massacre, Blue Lake Bob 
was a baby or a child and wanted to cry while in hiding, but his 
mother held her hand over his mouth and so escaped detection. Bob 
was a boy in 1850; so the massacre coidd only have been a few years 
previous. Jim Brock volunteered the information that there was a 
time when the Chilula killed the Wiyot on opportunity. 

The Arrow Tree. — One mile east of Korbel there is a redwood tree 
(]il. ]. siti- AH, and ])1. 6, tig. 2), now drad, a little over eiglit feet in 
diameter. This tree was formerly "stuck so full of arrows that it 
was like a porcupine up to a height of thirty or forty feet." These 
"arrows" or darts were made on the sjxit from shoots of huckleberry, 
Vacriuiinii, or of hazel. Ciiri/lus rusiniin. Tlie writer obtained one 
specimen from a height of 22 feet, which was I6I/0 inches long and V2 
inch in diameter. Two other specimens were from heights not exactly 
mea-sured, but anywhere from 7 to 12 feet above the ground, the small- 
est specimen being 814 inches long and % of an inch in diameter. 
They were sharpened at l>oth "nds and hurled at the tree until they 
stuck in the soft bark. 

John Stevens and Jim Brock were (juestioned concerning the sig- 
nificance of the tree, but there is reason to believe that they were a 
little reserved and did not tell the full story, for others report that 
John Stevens has told them more than In- told the writer. These 
other informants were ]\lr. J. P. lilake and ^Irs. Olive Stokes, both 
well (jualitied to speak on the subject. The full story is aliout as 
follows : 

Tlie ludians have a tradition, [or perhaps more properly a inytli, partly based 
ou facts, for real tradition is short lived] going back to the time when the tree 
was young. Two tribes were at war, the interior tribe and the coast tribe; the 
interior tribe was defeated and peace was made at or near the tree, which after- 
wards was considered as a boundary. 

Members of both the Chilula and Wiyot trilies passeil the tree on occasion, 
and as it was cdnsiderrd sacreil, they left an arrow in its bark. At first the 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 253 

arrows might have been real war arrows, but within the memory of living Indians 
they have been merely sharpened sticks. Gradually the original significance of 
the tree was partially lost sight of, and it became more and more an altar for 
worsliip and a place of prayer. 

The men on passing the tree hurled the sharpened stick into the tree and made 
a prayer for good luck while making the trip. The women took a sprig of redwood 
and struck their legs with it, saying: "I leave you all my sickness," and then 
threw it at the base of the tree or stuck it in the crevices of the bark. There 
had accumulated a large heap of these, while the trunk bristled with the arrows, 
when a mischievous white man burned them, the fire spreading up the tree as 
far as the arrows went. 

In more recent times the Chilula "used to come as far as the tree 
and no farther" except when bent on liostilities, while the Wiyot occa- 
sionally went to the top of the ridge and camped while killing elk or 
deer, snaring bear or panther, and gathering huckleberries, hazel- 
nuts, acorns, and other food. The Athapascan name for the camping 
place or places seems to be the same as that for the tree, tse-inatiilwo- 
ten, " sticks- ?-place." 

Whether or not there is any historical significance to the Arrow 
Tree, in recent times it has been only one of many such wayside 
shrines found from the Russian river northward. The infoi-mants 
stated that formerly there were manj' piles of brush, sticks, leaves, 
stones, or anything that could be piled up by pa.ssers along the trails 
over the Bald Hills and along the Klamath.^' 

The Whilkut 

Halfway between Blue Lake, and Canon creek, there was a place 
called tse-tena 'tUlwo-ten in the Athapascan dialect. There was never 
any village there, and in answer to inquiry Jim Brock briefly stated 
that the name had reference to "manj- rocks, tse, in the river there."** 
A great similarity will be noted between this name and that of the 
Arrow Tree, tse-inatulwo-ten, and it may be that this is another of 
the waA'side shrines, where an adventurer cast a stone and praj'ed for 
a safe return when passing into strange territory. 

A reference to the map shows what is a common condition among 
savage peoples, that is, that two separate tribes keep their villages 
at a respectful distance away from each other. Even at that, there is 
often a village composed of persons intermarried from both tribes, 



*3 Cf . George Gibbs, op. cit., pp. 103, 174; Stephen Powers, op. cit., p. 58; 
P. E. Goddard, present series, x, 280, 1914; and P. E. Goddard, Wayside Shrines 
in Northwestern California, Am. Anthr., n.s., XV, 702-703, 1913. 

** On the map, plate 1, the Wiyot boundary line is made to pass through this 
place. 



254 Universiti/ of California Puhlicatioiis in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

as is the case with the village of the Siiikyone farthest down stream 
on Eel river. The last Wiyot village upstream on Mad river (site ak), 
had only one plank house, and was chiefly used as a camping place. 
The first Wliilkut village, who'iita, was situated at the mouth of 
Canon creek, over three miles by the bends in the river above the last 
Wiyot village. It was a small but permanent village, so John Stevens 
says, though he had seen but two bark winter houses there. 

One of the chief Whilkut villages, and the place where John 
Stevens was born, was situated one and a half to two miles below 
Maple creek. ■*" It was called tse-didis-ten, "sticks- '-place, " and had 
ten or twelve houses. The redwood belt ended near here, though 
there was one clump of the trees two miles above Maple creek. 

There were five houses, mostly bark, but some of plank, at the 
mouth of Maple creek, while on Boulder creek, one and a half miles 
above Maple creek, there were a considerable number .scattered about 
on both sides of the creek and also up the creek. Hence the Maple 
creek district was a comparatively pojiulous center. 

Mr. Win. R. Lindscy ilescribed both the houses and funeral customs m'ar 
Maple Creek as he saw them in 1858. As a rule the bark houses were eight or ten 
feet in diameter, round and peaked at the top. There were other bark houses ten 
or twelve feet long, witli a ridge pole. They had no houses made of planks, like 
those of the Wiyot, because pine could not be so easily split as redwood with 
primitive tools. After the coming of the whites and owing to the availability of 
better tools, the Whilkut made houses twelve or fourteen feet long of split pine 
mixed with b;irk, which was set on end and fastened witli witlies. 

As for burial customs, a body was seeu brought to tlje grave lashed to a board. 
One of the mourners pierced the nose with an awl, crossed two pieces of shell 
money in the nose, took a piece of charcoal and marked lines from the forehead 
to the breast, down each arm, and down the front of the legs, and then buried 
the boily.« 

Between tse-didis-ten and Canon creek there were six villages or 
camping places, l>ut none of them could boast of having more than two 
plank houses, or two or three bark houses. Above Blue Lake, Mad 
river runs in a deep canon, perhaps unsuitable for lialntation, though 
there were deep holes in the river where fishing was good. John 



*■> W. R. Lind.sey informed the writer that about 1860 a party of whites raided 
a rancheria about one and a half miles below Maple creek and killed several. 
The 8an Francisco Bulletin of March 13, 18(50, quoting the Humboldt Times, said 
that a rancheria ojiposite "The Rlide," doubtless the same as "Blue Slide," 
was attacked and an unknown number, including "Washettes, a noted rascal," 
were killed. 

■"'• Stephen Powers, op. cit., p. 88, being told by Mr. Hempfield. a pioneer of the 
region at the liead of Canon creek, that the Whilkut burned their dead, tlionght it 
proli;il]|e that tlielr custom was somewhat varied. P. E. Coddard. present series, 
I, lill 70, gives a burial custom of the Ilupa similar to tliat of the Wliilkut. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 255 

Stevens stated that a long time ago, before his father was born, there 
was a war in which the Chilua killed a number of Mad river people, 
but the writer failed to understand whether the latter were Wliilkut 
or Wiyot. 

On Kneeland Prairie, between the headwaters of Freshwater creek 
and Lawrence creek, there is an ancient site at a spring. Mortars, 
pestles, and arrow points have been found here ; also a roughly worked 
stone about three inches in diameter, and globular, except for a slight 
projection on one side and a slight flattening on the opposite side. 
It bears some resemblance to objects found in central California and 
known as charmstones, though nothing similar has hitherto been 
, known to occur in the northwestei-n part of the state. "Without visit- 
ing the site, it is impossible to say whether it is a village site or whether 
the articles were left as offerings at the spring. Both the Wiyot and 
the Whilkut made use of the prairie for hunting and for gathering 
vegetable products, thoiigh they sometimes came into conflict in doing 
so. Site AM was a camp site for fishing on Freshwater creek, and for 
making excursions to the top of the ridge for acorns. About 1855 a 
party of Wliilkut Indians from Kneeland Prairie and Lawrence creek 
went down and attacked this camp, with the loss of two of their 
number. 

The Nmigail 

The writer regrets that he has but little knowledge concerning the 
Athapascan Indians living on Lawrence and Yager creeks, and of the 
nature or usefulness of the country between these creeks and Elk 
river. Judging from the northern half of the Wiyot territory, we 
should expect to find occasional fishing camps on Elk river. We 
should also expect small patches of prairie with trails connecting them, 
and this would lead to some sort of relationship, either hostile or 
friendly, between the Wiyot and the Lawrence and Yager creek In- 
dians, but owing to the lack of time no inquiry was made concerning 
this territory. 

In answer to a letter of inquiry concerning the location of village 
sites in the Yager creek region, P. E. Goddard writes: "South and 
Middle Yager creeks belong in the Nongatl territory. North Yager 
and Lawrence creek seem to have belonged with the Whilkut." A 
manuscript map by Dr. Goddard at the University museum shows a 
group of six village sites on North Yager near where a militar.y post, 
Camp laqua, was established at a date unknown to the writer, but 



256 Vniverxiti/ of California Puhlicutioiis in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol.14 

probably about IHGO. These villages would have been in Whilkut 
territory according- to Goddard, while four other villages on Middle 
Yager would lielong to the Nongatl. 

At the University museum are ten specimens of various colored 
flint fragments (numliers 1-19660 to 1-19664) obtained by Dr. God- 
dard at four different rocks situated on the ridge at the head of 
Salmon creek. The museum catalogue gives the Athapascan names 
of these rocks as senteldun, senata, eacnundul, and senegintci. Tliere 
is also a specimen of flint said by an Indian to have been worked by 
Coyote. This was obtained from Salmon ereek at a place called 
se-tcinuabatse-tcelinduu. 

The SuikyoHc and Mattole 

The Athapascan .Sinkyoue, called Lokonkuk or Flonko by Pow- 
ers/" had their main center at Bull creek, tifteeii miles above Scotia. 
A village at Scotia called tokenewoLok by the Wiyot is considered by 
the writer, though ]ierhaps with insufiicient reasons, to be in Sinkyone 
territory. One and a half miles lielow Si'otia there were a few houses 
occupied by jn'ople who had intermarried with the Wiyot. The Mat- 
tole, who were also Athapascan, lived on Mattole and Bear rivers to 
the south of the Wiyot, with whom they seem nev<'r to have enter- 
tained friendly i-elations. An ancient siti', where there was consider- 
able shell with a few arrow points, was reported to the writer as being 
some four miles above the mouth of Bear river, on the side of a ridge. 



WIYOT ETIINOGEOGRAPHY 

In numbering the village sites on the map we begin with the 
archaeological ones, commencing in the north and following tlie coast 
southward, going up each succeeding river as we come to it. There 
were 115 archai'ological sites located in Wiyot territory besides two 
in Yurok territory. A few were shellmounds ten to fifteen feet high 
and several hundred feet in diameter: others were shell deposits of 
varying thicknesses ranging down to only a few inches in depth; and 
si ill others did not have enough shell to be readily noticed, but were 
patches of groiuid with a slightly darker tinge of color than the land 
surrounding them, caused by the greater amount of organic material 
as well as mi.xture with charcoal. Because the soil of sites is of differ- 



<' Stephen Powers, op. cit., p. 113. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 257 

ent character from ordinary soil, it is a favorite with gophers. On 
examination of the dirt at the mouth of gopher holes, small particles 
of shell and charcoal can be seen, as well as burnt stones and other 
evidences of former human occupation of the site. 

A few sites were reported as places where arrow points or other 
artifacts had been ploughed out. These are popularly termed "battle- 
grounds" and are sometimes mentioned as such in works of ethnol- 
ogy,*^ but a moment's consideration would convince one that it is 
practically impossible to locate an Indian battleground. As Indian 
warfare is a rather petty affair and as arrows are used over and over 
again where practicable until broken or lost, the number of points left 
upon either a battlefield or hunting-ground would be rather negligible. 
At village sites or at places of manufacture the case is different. At 
one village site that the writer located in Nevada he found nearly a 
thousand more or less fragmentary specimens tliat had been broken, 
rejected or lost. 

Besides the archaeological sites, there were other places occupied 
by Indians in modern times. The location of these was learned from 
living Indians, but on visiting the spot little or nothing could be seen, 
the reason being, perhaps, that they were occupied for only one gen- 
eration, or for so short a time that no noticeable deposit of black soil 
or anything else was left behind. House-pits were so shallow in this 
area, except on shellmounds or sandy ground, that they are unreliable 
as guides. 

Most of the modern village sites on Mad river, from its mouth to 
Blue Lake, were located by the help of Aleck Sam, born on site 7 in 
1849, a few days before "Wood's party arrived from the interior. We 
drove up one side of the river in a wagon, the sites being pointed out 
as we passed them. This was done in one day's time, so only in a few 
cases did we get out of the wagon to take a look at the exact spot. 
Hence some of these sites may possibly show archaeological signs also. 
The village sites about Blue Lake were pointed out by Jim Brock, 
born at site t. Others were located by the writer while walking up 
the river from Blue Lake with John Stevens, who was born near 
Maple creek. 

On Eel river two days were spent with liorse and wagon in com- 
pany witli Dandy Bill, born on site 112, but living as a boy at different 
times on sites 90, 92, 102, 114, and ax. Owing to Eel river being such 



48 For example, P. E. Goddard, Notes on the ChiUiIa, present series, x, 278, 
1914. 



258 Vniversity of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlin. [Vol. 14 

an excellent fisliing stream, probably always supporting a large popu- 
lation, and also owing to the fact that tidewater reaches to Fortuua, 
with many sloughs containing mollusks, one should find here numerous 
archaeological sites, were it not that the river bed is shifting. Possibly 
they have been formed and covered with silt during freshets, and 
perhaps the river has carried others away. In fact the river has 
changed its bed to such an extent that Dandy Bill could hardly pre- 
tend to locate some of these sites within half a mile of their correct 
position, and the writer might as well confess that he may have erred 
anotliei' lialf mile in locating them on the map, though the relative 
position of most of them can not be far wrong. 

The modern village and camp sites are designated on the map with 
letters of the aljihabet, following tlie coast and rivers from north to 
soutli in the same (jrder as with tiie archaeological sites. There are 57 
of them, but this does not include all of the modern settlements, be- 
cause at least 41 <if the archaeological sites were occupied in recent 
times as well, which would nuike a total of 98 modern Wiyot village 
and eaiiqi sites, liiehuliiig both tlie areluieological and the modern 
sites, we lia\'e therefore a total of 172 known sites situated in Wiyot 
territor.y. (_>f these the writer obtained the Wiyot names of about one 
hundred, besidi's about forty Wiyot names of creeks, mountains, and 
trails. The Atiuipascan names of over fifty places and alxnit twenty 
streams in Wiyot and Whilkut territory were also obtained. These 
names will appear in lists at the end of the description of tlie more 
inii)oi-tant localities. 



CHIEF WIYOT SETTLEMENTS IN 1850 

The recent inluibitaiits were not uniformly distrilnited in villages 
of e(pud size, but for the most part were rather inclined to gather in 
centers of population. A small part of the population lived widely 
scattered, in settlements of one. two, or tliree families at a place. 
The chief centers of population were : I\lad river mouth, sites 4, a, 7, 
and c; Mad river bend, sites I, j, K, and 9; Blue Lake, sites Y and 
AD; Mad river slough, sites 33 and 34; vicinity of Eureka, sites 67, 
68, 65, 58, 17, and 73 ; harbor entrance, sites 112, 77, 79 ; south end of 
the bay, sites 86, 92, and 102; and lastly, Eel river, sites aq, ar, au, 
Av, AW, AX, Az, and ba. This makes a total of thirty-two leading vil- 
lages, which we will jiroceed to deseril)e. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Arcliaeology of tlie JViyot Territory 250 

Sites Near Mad River Mouth 

Site 4. — This village, located near the mouth of Mad river on the 
north side, is described bj- Wm. R. Lindsay as being a considerable 
town with a population of seventy-five or eighty in 1855. Most of the 
houses, which were of two kinds, those with shed roof and those with 
gable roof, w^ei-e estimated to be from ten to sixteen feet long. In three 
cases houses were built close together so as to make rows forty or fifty 
feet long. The house-pits were eight inches or a foot lower in the 
center than at the perimeter. Others state that there were ten or 
fifteen houses in 1853. Tom Brown said that his father used to hold 
a ' ' Jumping dance ' ' there every summer for ten days, with gambling, 
games, and foot races by both men and women. This village was situ- 
ated on a prehistoric site that was washed out not many j-ears ago. 
The skulls exposed were not modern enough to restrain the Indian 
boys from taking delight in throwing rocks at them. 

Site A. — This village was located near the mouth of Mad river, on 
the south side. A white informant stated that there were eight houses 
in 1856. Another informant visited the place about 1858 and several 
times afterwards when dances were held. 

Site 7. — Site 7 is located north of ilad river, just west of Mill 
creek. Jim Brock of Blue Lake makes mention of it as a village of a 
dozen houses, whose occupants were especially friendly with the Trini- 
dad people, doubtless because of intermarriage. He also described 
the abundance of bushes along the edge of the village, for which reason 
it was called te^ming-a, "brush-edge," in Athapascan. The Wiyot 
name was gwisok. 

As this village was the birthplace of two Wij'ot informants, Tom 
Brown and Aleck Sam, the writer obtained some information regard- 
ing the number of habitations. There were here two sweat-houses 
and eleven dwelling houses, with the following occupants : 1, father 
of Tom Brown ; 2, Brokearm, uncle of Tom Brown ; 3, grandfather of 
Tom Bro^vn, or Brokearm 's father; 4, grandfather of Jimmy Barto; 
5, grandfather of Frank Brown; 6, father of Lookin; 7, uncle of 
Lookin's father; 8, grandfather of Aleck Sam; 9, father of Aleck 
Sam; 10, Bighead; 11, four widows whose husbands had been killed 
by Chilula Indians. One house was also said to have been occupied 
by the uncle of Aleck Sam, but probably he was one of the persons 
mentioned above. 

It would appear that there was as much or more aristocracy in this 
village than in any other in the northern half of Wij-ot territory. 



200 Universiti) of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

Tom Brown hdoiigcd to the leading: family. Ilis grandfather was 
born on site 7, and obtained a wife from Eel river. His father was 
the rich and influential man of the district during his lifetime, but he 
died during the ehildliood of Tom, so that his mother reared him at 
her old home on Gunther island, site 67, while his father's wealth in 
woodpecker scalps and dentalia went to his uncle, Brokearni, who 
gambled most of it away. Jiuuny Barto also Ijclonged to an aristo- 
cratic family, both his grandfather and his great-grandmother pos- 
sessing wealth. Wliile Tom Brown boasted of liis ancestry, he said 
that tiie fatlier and grandfatlier of Aleck Sam were poor. Aleck Sam's 
mother was from Elk rivei-, and he claimed INIail Kivrr Bill of site 9 
as his cousin. 

There were no chiefs. i)r(ij)erly speaking, that is, men invested 
with iiolitical authority, either among the Wiyot or any of their neigh- 
bors. But there were men wdio enjoyed distinction because of their 
wealth, and these exercised a sort of advisory influence not possessed 
l)y the ordinary num. These leading men are known by tlie whites of 
Humboldt county as "mauwecnuis. " This, as well as the term for 
dentalium shell money, allikochik,^'' seem to be fully incorporated into 
the English language so far a.s this region is concerned. All dis]Hites, 
even murder, were settled by the ))ayment of dentalium — an arrange- 
ment which put the rieh man at considerable advantage, since it 
enabled him to do aiiout as he pleased and then "settle quick." 
Brokearm, also called Captain -loe, was tlie mauweema of the group 
of villages near the mouth of ilad river, and also of those on ilad 
river slough down to site 35. Captain Jim, the mauweema of the 
northern half of Humboldt bay, made a dance on Gunther island, site 
67, in February, 1860, when tlic Indians were taken by surprise and 
massaeri'd by a few lawless whites. P>ut luckily for tlie people of 
site 7, they had a quarrel with Ca[3tain Jim, which had then not been 
settled, so none of them attended the dance. 

Site (>. — This was |)ractically an outlying jjortion of the village 
just described, but it had a separate name in both the Wiyot and the 
Athapascan languages. There was also a separate archaeological 
deposit consisting of dark colored soil and many rocks, with a few par- 
ticles of slii'll and charcoal at the widi'ly scattered gopher holes, situ- 
ated some little distance up the hill from site 7. Neither site makes 
much of an archaeological showing, but of the two, site 6 reveals inore 



13 A. L. Kroc'ber states tliat both term.s are of Yurok origin, the first, mtu'imar, 
meaning olil man. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Arcliaeology of the Wiyot Territory 261 

evidences of occupation, so that it may be considered the older and 
longer occupied of the two. But on the other hand, site 7 has been 
partly undermined bj- the river which has left a perpendicular bank 
twenty feet high and exposed an archaeological deposit of only a few 
inches in thickness. Hence it xa&y be that nearly all of the archaeo- 
logical evidence of the former importance of site 7 has been destroyed. 

On site 6 there was one house-pit tweuty-one feet in diameter and 
thirty inches deep. At the bottom of the pit, a foot below the sur- 
face, a pestle fragment wa.s found, together with much charcoal, glass, 
tin, nails, and other refuse. It is said that Brokearm, who was so 
named because he had been shot in the arm by a white man, lived here 
as a blind old man until something over a dozen years ago, when his 
house caught fire and he was burnt to death, unable in his blindness 
to save himself. 

Site C. — Located on the Samuel Turner ranch on top of a bluff to 
the east of Mill creek, this village contained five or six permanent 
houses. The Athapa.scan name, kloche-na'lin-tin, " flat (?) -creek- 
place, " was given because there was a flat place near the adjacent 
Mill creek. In the summer people gathered here from as far as Samoa 
and Bucksport to dry fish and dance, play games, shoot with bow and 
arrow, gamble, and do other tilings of a festive nature. 

Sites at the Bend of Mad River 

This was a very thickly settled district, with many villages so close 
together that, at the present time, it is difficult to identify them with 
the names of sites secured from native informants. Site 9, containing 
a considerable bed of shell, was the only one of these sites actually 
visited and located by the writer. It is located on the ranch of 
W. E. Clark, about the center of the southeast quarter of section 17, 
township 6 north, range 1 east. It becomes necessary to thus definitely 
locate this place, because there has been such a great change in the 
course of the river here, which formerlj' made a bend of over a mile 
to the south of its present channel. However, this change seems to 
be due to a definite local cause rather than to any general migratory 
character of the river bed, such as we find in the delta of Eel river. 
Mad river has a fairlj- definite channel. 

The cause of the formation of this great bend seems to be revealed 
in the description of site h. Here a tremendous jam of logs had been 
piled up by the winter floods. It is pos.sible that some generations 
ago, before the log jam was formed, the river had a straight channel 



202 Vniversity of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

a-s at present, but tliat owiug to tlie obstruction the river had to fiud 
a new channel. The bend to the south ran shallow, so that fish could 
be easilj- taken during the .semiannual run, henee the unusually large 
pojuilation in the vicinity. The Indians burnt the jam at site H one 
summer. After that the place was a noted feeding ground for elk. 
There was also a good place for taking eels and salmon near this 
village, yet it contained only three houses within the memory of Aleck 
Sam. After the whites came, they cut a ditch acro.ss the peninsula-like 
bend, and the force of the current ripped out a new channel, tearing 
out great trees and straightening the river once more. 

Site 9, Wiyot name betser, had five or six houses with many people, 
according to Aleck Sam, and here his cousin. Mad River Bill, was 
born. The Athapascan name for the same place seems to be tidil'-tin. 
Tlir meaning of tliis is said to be "smooth river to catch salmon in." 

Besides sites H and 9. Jim Brock mentioned three other sites, and 
Tom Brown two, but whether those mentioned by Tom Brown are the 
same as those described liy Jim Brock, the writi'r is not at all certain. 
Diagonally across the river antl downstream from tidil'-tin (site 9) 
was triclienkalehwhe-ten (Athapascan, site ii. This was said to be 
one of the largest villages. The name was said to refer to the Indians 
digging out and eating certain kinds of fern roots, tuchenkd'. The 
first village aliove the county bridge on the south side of I\Iad river, 
klichibot (Wiyot, site i?), had a large graveyard and aboundi'd in 
willows suitable for making eel pots. 

Diagonally across the river dfjwnstream from tidil'-tin, near a 
little creek, was another village, klokwo'-seskd-ten, "sturgeon- ?-place" 
(Athapascan, site j). Here the Indians used to spear sturgeon. 
Tokelerboku' (Wiyot, site .j) seems to be the same place, except that 
in the description salmon is substituted for sturgeon, for here there 
was shallow water wliere the Indians lined uji and speared the fish as 
they passed. 

()])posite tidil'-tin, at a i)rairie, was klokai-kemeklok (Athapascan, 
site Kl, said to mean "they grow like wild oats." The wild oats. 
Idol-it', were gathered and pounded into meal. 

Fi-om pioneers living in Areata, the following infomiation was 
obtainiil regarding the group of villages about the bend of the river. 
One stated that tiiere were probably twenty houses, including one 
sweat-house, covered with eai'th, within two hundred to three hun- 
dred yards of eacli other, situated on both sides of the river. Another 
said that about all the Indians of this vicinity lived on an area of 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 2()3 

thirty acres. A third infoiiuant, who was often present at their 
dances, estimated that two hundred to three hundred Indians gathered 
at their summer festivities, erecting very large conical bark and brush 
houses. At such times the square plank houses were but few in com- 
parison to the temporary conical houses. 

The leading Indian of this vicinity was called by the whites "Old 
Mauweema, ' ' and his son was variously known as Indian Billy, Short 
Billy, Bat Head Billy, Mad River Bill, and Skoyer Bill,^° that is, 
good Bill (Yurok skuyU; good), since he was deemed good enough to 
be honored with a burial in Areata cemeteiy when he died several 
years ago at the age of about seventy-six. The community, in thus 
honoring him, endeavored to pay back in some measure the debt due 
him for what he had suffered when lawless members of the white race 
treacherously took from him in a single hour his wife, mother, sister, 
two brothers, and two little children. 

After the massacre on Gunther island in 1860 three canoe loads 
of dead were buried across the river from the Clark place. Twenty 
years ago, when the place was purchased by Mr. Clark, there were 
17 graves within 40 feet of each other on site 9, the position being 
marked by head boards 4 feet high, and foot boards 12 to 18 inches 
high, made of split stuff about 3 inches thick and 20 inches wide. 
When the ground was ploughed the following j'ear, many glass beads 
and abalone pendants were found. Many graves were obliterated by 
sediment deposited by a fresliet about 1875, when all the country 
about was flooded. But there were graveyards in the vicinity previous 
to the massacre, for twenty-five or thirty graves were seen on one 
site about 1850. 

Sites Near Blue Lake 

In the spring of 1850 the whites cut a trail from Areata to Mad 
river, thence along the river to Blue Lake, then past the Arrow 
Tree, site ah, over the ridge to Redwood creek, and eastward to the 
mines, part of the way following old Indian trails. Scattered along 
the river, between the bend and Blue Lake, there were half a dozen 
small villages or camps. That is, about everj- mile there was an 
Indian house or two. High hills flanked both sides of the river, and 
the forest was dense, so the population here was not large. But near 
Blue Lake the conditions were more favorable. There was here a 



50 There is a single unconfirmed report by a white man that "Indian Billy" 
died about fifteen years ago and was buried on the south side of Hall creek. 
Hence it is possible that these various names refer to two different Indians. 



2G4 University of California Pahlirtioiis in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol.14 

valley, formed by the junction of the North fork with the main river, 
which ct)ntained several patches of prairie, notably at sites ae and ai, 
besides the more extensive ones on the ridges. There were good fish- 
ing holes on the North fork where the Indians regularly camped, 
especially a liole at site af which is twelve feet deep even during the 
dry season fpl. 6, fig. 1). Another fishing place was at site ag at the 
base of a waterfall blocking the advance of salmon. 

As a result of these natural advantages, it appears that the vicinity 
of Blue Lake was a populous center a few years before the arrival of 
tlie wliifes and before the murderous raid of the Chilula previously 
nK-ntionrtl. Bi-foi-r the massacre the territory was unt[Ucstionably 
Wiyot, but after that time, and especially after the whites came and 
did away with tribal feuds, the Indian population became somewhat 
mixed by intermarriage, there being then a considerable luniibcr of 
Chilula. It is rejiorted that in 1850 there were twenty houses built 
of slabs and poles within a radius of two miles from the present vil- 
lage of Blue Lake. The writer is not unwilling to believe that there 
nuiy have been twenty houses standing, but is inclined to think that 
that number could not have been inhabited in 1850. 

The account of the size of these houses as given by one pioneer 
differs from the usual description. He said that most of the houses 
were about twenty feet square, and made of redwood jilanks with the 
roof close to the ground, the floor being paved with stones. The 
sweat-houses were covered with earth. None of the other informants 
estiuuited AViyot houses to be over sixteen feet square. The largest 
house-pit measured liy the writer was that of Brokearm on site 6, it 
being a little less than twenty-one feet in diameter. When we allow 
for the caving of the soil, the size of the house would be somewhat 
less. Besides it is not known that this was a |)rimitive Indian house. 
Of several pits on site 34 the two largest measured only eighteen feet 
in diameter. Hence we must conclude either tlmt the houses at Blue 
Lake were somewhat larger than the average Wiyot house, or else 
that the informant, being more familiar with the houses on Redwood 
creek and Trinity and Klanuith rivers, may have overestimated the 
size of the houses here. Goddard. who had ojiportunity for measuring 
llupa hiiuses, states that they were about Iwenty feet .square." Not 
only was the Wiyot house smaller than that of the Ilupa, but it was 
different in other respects, none of them having the s(pmre )iit entered 
with a ladder, as described by Goddard. 



51 P. E. Goddani, present series, I, 13, 1903. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 265 

Site Y. — After the time of the massacre by the Chilula, a new 
village was established at Blue Lake. Its Athapascan name was itsin- 
ohogindis-ten, "go down- ?-place, " because there was a trail from 
Liscom hill down to the village. Aleck Sara mentioned four houses 
with the following occupants : 1, Kneeland Jack 's father, who was a 
mauweema, Kneeland Jack being a half brother to our informant, 
Jim Brock; 2, Blue Lake Bob's father, who was born on site 7 and 
married a Chilula; 3, Short Bill's^- father, who originally came from 
site 34; 4, an old fellow who spoke the Athapascan language. 

Site AD. — John Stevens said that there was formerly a sweat- 
house here, a house or two of planks, and three or four bark houses. 
The people would camp in various places in summer, but in winter, 
when they had nowhere else to go, would come home to this place. 
It was given the name mis-kene'hu-ten, " bluff- ?-plaee," because it 
was situated in front of a bluff where there are sometimes landslides. 

In the villages about Blue Lake, the Wiyot had both plank houses 
and bark houses. Down river there were mostly plank houses with 
very few of bark, while up river it was the reverse. 

Sites on Mad River Slough 

Site 33. — This village was referred to as "a regular rancheria" 
when the whites first came, a statement which is confirmed by the 
numbers of skeletons that have been found here with white man's 
articles buried with them. The village was situated on a sand-dune 
point reaching down through the marsh to the slough. The site is now 
occupied bj' farm buildings, but though it has been much disturbed, it 
still shows a deposit of shell, mostly the soft-shell mussel, twelve 
inches thick in places. 

Site 34. — Sand-dunes covered with beach pine and huckleberry 
bushes here reach inland to the slough, where there is a bank twenty 
or thirty feet high. There is a deposit of shell, several inches in 
depth, mostly soft-shell mussel and soft-shell clam, with a few shells 
of other species, extending several hundred feet along the top of the 
ridge close to the slough. At one spot numerous pelican bones were 
found. There are two deep house-pits measuring eighteen feet in 
diameter, and six smaller and less definite depressions. 



52 Aleck Sam said that the wife, or possibly the mother (the writer failed to 
understand which) of Short Bill was a Chilula. Whether or not the two Indians 
(Short Bill and Skoyer Bill) are the same, Mr. Lindsey said that Skoyer Bill had 
a ChUula wife. 



266 Vniversitij of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

There is a double row of graves near by with headposts varying 
in size from IV2 to 2 inches thick, 4 to 16 inches wide, and from 1 to 
2Y2 fcf't, higli. Tlie position of seven graves can be determined at the 
present time, and Mr. C. S. Ellis, whose father purchased the place 
about 1890, says that there might have been twenty graves at that 
time. They were tlien visited ainuially in September, during the 
huckleberry season, by parties of mourners who came from Mad river 
in canoes. Aleck Sam said that Short Bill's father, living at least 
part of the time at site y, "belonged to" this place. It lias now been 
about twenty years since the mourners have come. Anotlier inform- 
ant stated that Captain Jim, the mauweema of the northern part of 
Humboldt bay, died at this village but was buried on the North Spit 
oi:)posite Eureka. 

Amongst otlier badly decayed lumber scattered over the graves 
are to be seen fragments of a canoe, ilr. Ellis says that formerly 
there were several but slightly broken canoes on the graves. It seems 
that it was formerly a common practice to leave broken canoes on 
graves, since tliey can be seen at the present time not only at this 
place but also at graves on site a. Mr. Ellis has in his possession, 
obtained from this site, over thirty arrow points (text fig. 13), several 
abalone pendants and seventy large spherical glass beads, each ^^jc. 
of an inch in diameter. 

Thinking that these graves miglit be those of victims of the Gun- 
ther island massacre, the writer made infjuiry of Dandy Bill, who 
atfi-jbuted them to persons who died naturally. He seemed quite 
positive that these graves were not the result of the massacre, although 
one or two of those Iniried here might have been killed by whites at 
other times, as was an altogether common occurrence in pioneer days. 

Sites Near Eureka 

Site G7. — Tliis was one of tlie nuist impnt-taiit villages on Humboldt 
bay and was situated on an immense shelliuound at the northeast 
extremity of Ounther island. When Robert Gunther obtained pos- 
session in ISGO, there was a pine tree two feet in diameter on the center 
of the mound ; all the renminder wa.s covered with buslii>s except 
tliat on the eastern part of the mound a small cleared space was occu- 
pied by an Indian village (see plan of tlie mound, plate 11). 

Tom Brown says there were nine houses witli the following occu- 
l)aiits: 1, mother of Tom Brown; 2, San Francisco John and ^lary. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Aruluieology of the Wiyot Territory 207 

aunt of Tom Brown ; 3, Tom, brother-in-law of Tom Browu ; 4, another 
Tom ; 5, Jack ; 6, Judas ; 7, Captain Jim, father of Jerry ; 8, uncle of 
Jerry; 9, the sweat-house. 

Eobert Gunther described the type of house found here and drew 
some plans, which are reproduced, with but slight changes, in text 
figure 1. The usual size was sixteen feet square, a very small house 
being twelve feet. The sides of the house were of redwood planks four 
or five feet wide, placed on edge, and reaching to the eaves. Holes 
were burnt and the planks tied together with withes. Under the roof, 
reaching across the open space, were three or four poles or beams. 



Hrc 



pit 8" deep 



partition 



door paszage-way 

LC3 I 




m 



position 
o^ doo'* 



' shell 



outix'aVof'Ji*'"" 



^i^ 



m^ c^^a ^c^^ .mm^i^i 



Fig. 1. Ground-plan aud vertical cross-section of a Wiyot house. 



The door was a round hole, eighteen inches in diameter, in one corner 
of the house. Twenty inches back from the door there was a partition 
extending nearl.y the entire width of the house. To enter one had first 
to stick an arm and shoulder into the door, then, on entering, make a 
sharp turn to the right and go down the passage way to the right side 
of the house, where there was a break in the partition. In the center 
of the house there was a pit six or eight inches deep, which contained 
the fire place. There was no provision for the escape of smoke, which 
filled the house and filtered through the cracks as best it could. The 
shell refuse was piled about the house until it nearly reached the 
eaves. Then the planks were pulled up to a higher level. 

The sweat-house was half underground, at least sixteen feet square, 
having a door or scuttle in the roof near the southwest corner, where 
the roof was four feet above the floor, though in tlie farther corners 
the roof was higher above the floor. In taking a sweat-bath the per- 
spiration was scraped from the body with a stick or bone. This house 
was also used for smoking fish. 



208 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

As Robert Giuither recollects, there were six houses in all at the 
time of the massacre on February 26, 1860: cue shack in the white 
man's style, one sweat-house, and three houses of the usual type, 
besides one that had just been burnt. The latter was situated some- 
what apart from the others, being within the limit-s of what now con- 
stitutes the chicken yards, while the others were near where the 
present cabins are located. lie estimated that there may have been 
a population of fifty or sixty living at the village previous to that 
time. 

Estimates of the population at this village in 1850 have been 
placed much higher, but after the introduction of certain diseases by 
the whites, the population decreased somewhat, though tending to 
remain stationary owing to the number of refugees seeking a home 
here after being drivi'U fnun localities on the maiiihiud. This village 
was imjtortaiit in another respect, it being the seat of an annual dance 
ceremony held in tlie latter part of February and lasting for about 
a week. 

tSUc 6S. — This was a village of great importance some years previ- 
ous to the coming of the whites, perhaps of greater importance than 
site 67, but l)y 1850 it had fallen to a secondary place. It was situated 
on aufither large shellmound near the center of Ounthrr island. On 
the top of till' mound there is a level flat which Gunther says was used 
for dancing. It is stated that in 1850 there were about one-third as 
many Indians living here as on site 67, and that the last family moved 
to the latter village in 1857 when C'ajitain iloore took U]) eighty 
acres on the island and began to build a house on the central mound. 

Site 63. — This village was located at the base of the blutf on the 
point of land now occupied by the Occidental mill in Eureka. A con- 
siderable munber of Indians lived here in 1852, there being at least 
three or four houses, but tiiey were driven out soon afterwards, going 
probably to Gunther island, ilussel and clam shell can be seen be- 
neath some of the Imihlings and lumber stacks. 

Site 58. — A pioneer stated that a village was located on a shell 
deposit near the present brickyards''^ on Eureka slough. Lucas 
Prairie was situated uj) the hill back of the village. It is said that 
there were eigiit oi' ten liouses in 1858, though this number may be a 
little large. At that time Nicodenuis, Captain Jim, San Francisco 
John, and several otiiers weri' living there. Captain Jim, the mau- 



53 The recent village ikutchipi may possibly have lieeu li)i-ated at site 57 
instead of site 58 (see Illustration, pi. 7, fig. 1). 



1918] Loud: Ethno geography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 269 

weema, had his main home on Gunther island, but he was living at 
the time in this village drying fish. San Francisco John was so named 
because he had visited the great metropolis, which in his own estima- 
tion set him considerably above his fellows. It is said that he became 
"sassj^" to the whites, for which reason certain lumbermen raided his 
village, shot and wounded him, and killed Nicodemus. San Francisco 
John was riddled with half a dozen shots, being wounded in the side 
and in the hand and having his arm and his jaw broken, but he 
"doctored up" on Gunther island and lived there until the massacre. 
The Indian account of this shooting will be given later. 

Site 17. — This village was located on the North Spit about a quar- 
ter of a mile south of the Fairhaven shipyards. Shell of various 
species, including soft shell mussel, is scattered here over a consider- 
able area with three main centers of deposit. "Wlien L. K. Wood's 
exploring party came down the coast ' ' riding on the backs of big elks 
having long tails," they stopped two days near this village. When 
they found their advance southward blocked by the entrance to the 
harbor, they turned back and were guided around the north end of 
the bay by an Indian from this village, who was killed by the whites 
some years later. Captain Jim, the mauweema, made thi.s village his 
headquarters a great deal of the time, he and his relatives occupying 
four or five houses. lie was living here in 1873 and for four or five 
years afterwards, having escaped the Gunther island massacre, 
although his wife was killed there. 

According to A. L. Kroeber,^* a dance similar to the Jumping 
dance of the Yurok and Hupa was held indoors at this place, lasting 
about five days. At the dance obsidian blades were used, but were 
hung by strings on the breast instead of being held in the hand as in 
the White Deerskin dance of the Yurok and Hupa. 

Site 73. — This village was located close to the bay shore in Bucks- 
port near the present terminus of the street car line. One white in- 
formant reported that there were eight or ten plank houses there in 
1S51. During recent years, Jerry, the son of Captain Jim, has made 
his home in Bucksport. 

Sites Near the Harbor Entrance 

Site 112. — This village was situated on the South Spit near the 
entrance to the harbor. It was the boyhood home of Dandy Bill, who 
was the writer's most satisfactory informant and a very lovable char- 



54 A. L. Kroeber, Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, xxi, 38, 1908. 



270 Uinv( rsiti/ (if California Fiililiciiliiiiis iit Am. Aicli. anil Elltii. | Vol. 14 

aeter. He was about twelve years old, according to the testimony of 
Captain H. II. I'uline, when the latter entered the harbor in 1850. 
Dandy liill said that most of the shell deposit there has been washed 
away. He also said that there were many graves, but the writer failed 
to inquire whether these existed before or after the massacre which 
occurred here February 26, ISfit), on the same night as at Gunther 
island. In 18G() there wei'e ten houses besides the sweat-house, scat- 
tered about over a rather wide area, and containing a population of 
at least tifty-one before the massacre. Some of the leading men of 
tliis village were: Kiwelattah or Old Coonskin,''^ the nuiuweema, and 
uncle of Daiuly P)ill ; Shasepee, brother of Old Coonskin ; Coonskin 
Ned, the son of Old Coonskin ; Doctor and Jim, who lived together in 
the same house; Cajitain .Joe, Sherman (leorge, Peter, and Ben. 

Hite 77. — This village was located at the mouth of KIk river, which 
had the same name as the village, ikso'ri. According to the United 
States Coast and Geodetic Survey chart of 1858 (see pi. 3), the mouth 
of Elk rivei- was formerl\' half a mih' farther uorth than at present, 
with a saH(ls|)it betwei-n the river and 1he bay. The village was on 
this sandspit, which lias since been washed away. Old Coonskin,''"' 
the mauweema, used to live here jiart of the time. It apjiears from 
the reports of whitr iiifor-mants, that there were not more than half 
a dozen houses, though Dandy Uill said that many people used to live 
lici'e. 

Hiic 7.'i. — This village was located on Bulines l*(]int, otherwise 
known as llumlmldt I'oint, wliii'h was tln' first jilaci' on tln' bay where 
a town was laid out, under the name of Humboldt City. For this 

reason the site ceased to I ccupied as an Iiuliau village after 1850. 

White informants speak of niunei'ous graves a1 this site, and from 
Dandy Bill it would appear that it was eithei' an important ancient 
site or a jilaee of ti'aditional or niythohigieal inlerest. The site has 
now i)een washed away. L. K. Wood iu his narrative of discovery''''' 
mentions stopping there Deceudiei- 127, liS4!l, in these words: 

The next ilay we t'ollnweil ildwn the bay, t-ro.ssiiig Elk river, to Hunibelilt Toiiit. 
Here we were visited by the (!liief of the tribe of Imlians in the vieinity of the 
bay, who was an elderly and very dij^nified and intelligent Indian. He appeared 
very friendly and seenieil disposed to afl'ord us every means of comfort in his 
power. He supplied us with a quantity of elanis, upon which we feasted sumptu- 
ously. . . . This ohi man's n.-inn' we liarn was Ki-we-lat-tah. He is still living 
on the bay (lS.')(i) and lias always been known as a (|uiet and friendly Indian. 



■'''■'■■ Mentioned Ipiliiw in the (h'si-ri]ition of site 7!*, also in the quotation from 
L. K. Wood under the heading, (iohl Seekers' Kush in IS.'jO. 
■■>■> h. K. "Woo.!, ../). cit.. p. 90. 



1918] Loud: Ethno geography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territury 271 

Sites at the South End of the Bay 

Site 86. — This was a permanent village situated close to the bay 
near Whites slough where a creek came down. 

Site 92. — This village was at the upper end of Hookton slough. 
In addition to being a small, nearly permanent village, it was also a 
camping place for larger parties. Dandj' Bill's father used to live 
here at times. 

Site 102. — The mauweema Kiwelattah, his three brothers, and per- 
haps several others, built houses here on a point of land which they 
occupied at irregular intervals when gatliering clams on the mud flats, 
which are here more extensive than elsewhere on the sovithern half of 
the bay. For this reason the site assumes a much greater importance 
archaeologicalh' than the majority of the modern villages. There was 
a trail connecting this site with Eel river by way of Table Bluff, and 
although the spot is described as a frequent camping place, it was 
important enough to possess a sweat-house. 

Sites on Eel River 

As previously stated under the heading of Fauna, Eel river was 
formerly one of the best rivers of California for fishing and sup- 
ported a comparatively numerous population. Dandy Bill said that 
when he was a boy, anyone camping at night on Table Bluff could see 
many lights scattered all along the river. Besides the regular perma- 
nent villages, there were camping places during the fishing season for 
people living at a distance. One of these camping places was site ax. 
This contained seven houses or more, occupied during the fishing sea- 
son by the father and uncles of Dandy Bill as well as by Captain Joe 
and others from site 112. 

The chief village was site aq, situated on the south side of the river, 
near its mouth, surrounded by slouglis. The spot was formerly occu- 
pied by a fish cannery, but this lias now been washed away. For 
salmon fishing a village downstream always has the advantage of those 
upstream, because the fish run up. It was stated that site aq had very 
many houses with an extraordinary number of very wealthy men. 
This village was on friendly terms with the villages near Eureka 
because Captain Jim, the mauweema, obtained a wife here. 

The writer did not get as many facts regarding the other villages 
on Eel river as would be desirable, but it was stated that sites av, aw, 
az, and ba had each many houses and many people. Sites ar and au 



272 Univcrsiti/ of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Hthii. [Vol. 14 

were also iinijortant. Site ha was mentioned as liaving an extraordi- 
nary iinnil)er of <j;raves. The Indians of Eel river had their full 
sliare of troiihlcs witli the whites, which matter will be treated sep- 
aratelj' below. 

MINOR SETTLEMENTS AND CAMP SITES IN 1850 

Sites 6, II, R, AE, Ai, AG, AH, and am have already been mentioned. '' 
Other sites deserving of notice are as follows: 

Jim Brock said tliat the Jumping dance used to be held at site e, 
but as no one else mentioned any danee at that place the writer sus- 
pects tiiere lias been a confusion with site c. 

Site 14, at the entrance to the harbor, was sometimes used as a 
camping place for clam roasting. Soldiers also detained the Wiyot 
Indians hi-re for a time after the massacre of February, I860, before 
taking them to the reservations. Some died and were buried here at 
that time, and drifting sands have since exposed skeletons with blue 
chith and soldii'i- buttons. At several other places on the North Spit 
glass beads and other articles derived fi'om white mi'n have been found. 

Site 31 had two liouses, and is one of several places where Captain 
Jim lived at times, especially during the September huckleberry sea- 
son. It would seem that some of the rich men had about as many 
different summer lu)uses, winter houses, and camps as the very wealthy 
do among us. They would have one house convenient for berry pick- 
ing, another where certain roots and herbs were plentiful, a third near 
extensive clam l.ieds, a fourth at a position favorable for catching 
salmon, a fiftii on the ocean coast for surf-tishing, and so on. Then, 
as one Indian ]iut it, "in the winter time, when they had nowhere else 
to go, they went home." C.iptain Jim had liouses at sites 17, 31, 58, 
and tiT, while Dandy I>ill speaks of living as a boy at sites 90, 92, 
102, 112, 114, and ax. 

Site 39 was situated on Daniels slough, which was navigable for 
canoes at liigh tide, and was used in traveling between the Mad river 
bend settlements and the bay. Two paternal inieles of Dandy Bill 
lived Ix'i'e. Areata rrairi<', which produced an abundance of the spe- 
cies of jiarsley previously mentioned, was near b.v. 

Site 45 had at least two houses and twenty-five or thii'ty inhabit- 
ants in 1S52. It was a small but ]iermanent village at that time, situ- 
ated near a slough navigable foi' canoes, and also near the old Indian 
ti'ail that went arountl the bav. Bv 18C0 it was deserti'd and the 



" See pages 249, 2.12, 25:!, :!55, 2()1, 202, 26-1. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 273 

house planks badly rotted. It was then an open space sixty feet across, 
covered with shell and surrounded with a tangled thicket of rose 
bushes, blackberry bushes, and other shrubs. 

Site AL was situated near the mouth of Jacoby creek. There were 
several small plank houses here in 1856, one of which was occupied 
by Old Harry, who used to come during the salmon fishing season 
from Gunther island. There was an Indian trail going up to Boynton 
Prairie and the ridge where acorns were gathered. 

Site 78, situated near the sclioolhouse on Elk river, is chiefly of 
interest because of myths connected with the place. It was used 
as a camping place where salmon, caught in the river, were dried. 
The party with L. K. Wood camped here one night. 

Site 90 was near the place where the Indian trail crossed Salmon 
creek. Dandy Bill's father was living there in 1849 when Wood's 
party passed down the coast. He acted as guide from Salmon creek 
to Eel river, site bb. 

Site 91 was a favorite camping place for periods varying from a 
few nights to six months. Parties camped at different times over 
rather scattered areas on both sides of the creek, which was here just 
above the reach of the tide. 

Site BB is the place where Wood's party crossed Eel river. It was 
at the mouth of Strongs creek, but the course of the river has changed 
greatly at this point since 1849. 

Above Fortuna the population thinned out rapidly, imtil the last 
camping place at the mouth of Van Duzen river was reached. The 
first important Athapascan village on Eel river was at Scotia and 
was called tokenewoLok in Wiyot, but downstream a mile and a half 
there were a few houses at a place called tokemuk. Some of the people 
living at the latter place wei'e Wiyot intermarried with the Atha- 
pascans. 

On the coast, sites 114, 115, and 117 were used at times by the 
Wiyot Indians as camping places when they caught surf fish or gath- 
ered mussels. 

PLACES ABANDONED PEEVIOUS TO 1850 
Several places were mentioned as being modern village sites but 
abandoned for one reason or another some time previous to 1850. 
Usually the cause was some quarrel or tragedy that i-esulted in the 
making of many new graves, after which the survivors preferred to 
live in another locality. 



flfr- 



274 Univirsiti/ of Califoniki Puhliriitioiis in Am. Arcli. iind Ellin. [Vol.14 

Site Z. — This was the chief village in the vieinity of lilue Lake at 
the time of the (Miihila attack, only a few years previous to the eoniiiig 
of the wliitis, wild report seeing thirty or forty fresh graves as the 
result cif thi' luassaere. -lini IJi'oek said that the place was populous, 
but he ilid not know how nuiiiy |)eo])le lived there at the time they 
were driven out, which was just before he was born. When he was 
a boy there were about a dozen abandoned plank houses still staiuling, 
besides a sweatliouse. These were burnt at the time of the war, he 
said, ]irobably meaning the Chilula raid in August, 1862, when Bates 
Iloti'l was bunird and si'Vi'ral whiti's weri- killed. The Atluipascan 
name of the |ilace, mis-kritikrit, wa.s said to refer to the steep hillside 
oil our sidi' of the village and a slough or old channel of the river on 
the other side, -iim Brock had heard that, long before he was born, 
the river made a briid to tlir cast and ran through the channel near 
the village. 

Sit< AE. — This former village was situati'd on what api)ears from 
a lit 111' distance to be a mound, but as then' is no ile])osit of black dii't 
or any other archaeological evidence, it is ])nilialily only a river bar 
dcpositcil by the North fork. .loliii Sti'vcns had hcai-d from his father 
that it used to be a permanent village, but in more recent times it was 
oid\' a cam|iing placr with onr or two bark liousi's. 

Site :2:J, located in the mill yard at Samoa, according to ti'a<lition 
once had a lai'gc population. 

.S'/7( :J.';. loi'atcd one mile noi'tli of Samoa, is one of the largest 
shcllmonnils of the region and was said to be a n'gular rauclcria one 
Inuidred years ago. In more recent times Indians living on Mad river 
when visiting (inntlier island nsi'd to walk down the North Spit as 
far as this site and then shout or make a smoke to attract attention, 
when tlie ]ie(iple on the island would cross over in a canoe to get them 
as soon as the tide was fa\dr-alile. Kuliert (luntliei- says that dances 
used to be held at this ])lace. 

Siti 611. — This was formerly a vci'v impoi'tant village near the rail- 
I'oad station in Eureka. Dandy liill said his fatliei' and h\e ]iaternal 
uncles w<'re born here. There was a tight with a neigidioring \illagc, 
so all left and moved towards the entrance of tlu^ harboi'. 

Sid SI, situated on a point (jf land, now washed away, half a mile 
noi-th of I'>ucks|(iu-t, is a jjlace where Dandy IJill's grandfather used to 
live i)art of the time. The site was abandoned liefore Dandy Bill can 
remendier. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 275 

Site 110. — This was a place on the South Spit where someone had 
begun to hollow out a canoe from a log. The name of the place has 
an allusion to this abandoned log. 



ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES 

The writer first attempted to locate the various ancient deposits 
by walking along the shores of the bay, but met with much difficulty 
from the densitj' of brier bushes and underbrush of all kinds, as well 
as the number of small sloughs reaching up between points of land. 
Later he located many deposits bj' using a boat, and in so doing was 
impressed with the fact that the prehistoric inhabitants must have 
been users of canoes. Even were there no large deposits on islands 
this conclusion must be reached because of the close relationship be- 
tween most of the deposits and small sloughs just large enough to 
navigate at high tide. Many of the deposits were situated at the tip 
end of ridges that reached out into the marshes and approached close 
to these small sloughs. This relationship of villages to sloughs is 
shown in one of the maps (pi. 2). A somewhat greater number of 
deposits would have been located, if all of the shores of the bay had 
been visited by boat instead of by walking. There were only about 
half a dozen deposits situated on marshes, these being chiefly on the 
islands near Eureka. A greater number were on ridges and bluifs 
at elevations ranging from twent.y feet to over one hundred feet. 

The six largest shellmovmds that are in evidence at the present 
time are all situated within a mile and a half of Eureka. These are, 
in the order of their size, sites 23, 67, 68, 61, 58, and 69. The environ- 
ment of these mounds will be discussed below under the description of 
site 67, where an excavation was made. This mound is irregularly 
pear shaped, 600 feet long by about 400 feet wide, and 14 feet high. 
Site 68 is a mound of about the same size, while site 23 has a deposit 
covering a larger area even though it may not be greater in depth. 

On the northeast shore of the bay at site 48 there is a small cres- 
cent shaped shellmound not much over one hundred feet in length and 
several feet in depth, covering the tip of Brainards Point. On this 
mound there is a fir tree twenty -seven inches in diameter, also a spruce 
tree and a badly decayed stump each forty-five inches in diameter. 

A mound of first-class importance could be expected somewhere 
near the mouth of Jacoby creek, since there seems to be here tiie 
right combination of wide tide flats and sloughs navigable for canoes, 



27G University of California Fuhltcations in Am. Arch, and Etlin. [Vol. 14 

as well as a large creek. However, there are indications that Jaeoby 
creek during times of freshets has deposited much sediment over 
this area, perhaps covering some of such shell deposits as exist. The 
writer has learned since completing his field work that there are 
some shell deposits in this section, near the sloughs, wliieh he over- 
looked. 

The North Spit, which is one-half to three-quarters of a mile wide, 
with elevations reaching eighty-five feet, is composed entirely of sand 
cast up hy the combined action of wind and wave. Plate 8, figure 1, is 
a view of the sand-dunes encroaching upon the timber belt to the 
north of site o7. Here there are fresh dunes nearly sixty feet in 
height, half burying and killing spruce trees which measure two and 
three feet in diameter where they reach above the sands. At the pres- 
ent time, only half of tlu' width of the North Spit is covered with 
drifting sands: and the bay shore, lieiug protected from cold ocean 
winds by the liigh sand ridge and a belt of braeh pine, is a desirable 
place for iialiitatiou. Doubtless many villages have been established 
from time to time in tlie past along the shore between Samoa and 
Mad River slough only to be later rendered uninhabitabh' by en- 
eroaehing sands. '^ p]ven a inciderate amount (jf di'ifting sand would 
be sufficiently annoying to cause a village to be abandoned. A super- 
ficial examination of several sites indicated one or more periods of 
occupancy f(]lli)\vi-d by ])i'riods of abandonment. At no i)laei' was a 
stratum of shell f<iund tu be over two feet in thickness, and more often 
the dejjosits were of one foot or less alternating with layers of sand. 
Doubtless shell deposits of tlie more distant past are deeply buried 
inulcr lai'ge sand-dunes. 

A number of sites had the outward form of mounds, one of which 
is illusti'ated in plate S, figure 2. Other sites were strung along the 
tops of sand-dune ridges wlieri' they came close to the bay. At site 32 
a ridge with an ele\ati(in of thirty or forty feet extends alongside 
]Mad River slough. The top for a widtii of twenty-five to one luuidred 
feet, and a lengtli of eight hundred to a thousand feet is covered with 
sliell not to exceed fifteen inches in depth. 

]\Iussrl slicll (if the small thin variety is conspicuous on nearly all 
of the sites along the North Spit, while on Guuther island it would 
i'e(iuire a diligent saving of all the fragments in a whole trench in 
order to get a handful. 



58 See footuote l.'"i2 in regard to site .31. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 277 

Along the east shore of the baj' to the south of Eureka anj-thing 
worthy of the name of a mound seems to be lacking, though there are 
reports that a number of sites have been washed away, including 
sites 71, 77, 79, and 85, as well as site 112 at the harbor entrance. 
There are quite a number of sites on the top of the bluffs and on the 
hillsides. The South Spit is low and narrow, has no timber or shelter 
against the wind, and is almost overwashed with waves at times of 
storm occurring at seasons of extremely high tides. Hence it doubt- 
less never was very desirable except as a camping place. 

At the south end of the bay there are two places where shell 
deposits reach a depth of several feet, sites 98 and 102, both situated 
near sloughs. Besides the main deposit at site 102, there is an arm 
reaching up the hill to an elevation of forty or fifty feet, and spread- 
ing out as a tliin deposit over a wide area from which arrow points 
have been plowed out. 

At site 103 the nearlj^ perpendicular bluff is caving in at the 
present time so as to leave exposed to view a deposit of black dirt and 
shell about one foot in depth along the top of the bluff for a distance 
of nearly a thousand feet. Sites 99, 101, 105, and 106 are also deposits 
of black dirt on the bluff. Hence, it would appear that the Indians 
here preferred living at a considerable elevation where they could have 
a timber shelter, rather than near the water's edge where they would 
be exposed to the prevailing northwest winds. Shell deposits may be 
hidden beneath the tangled brush along the sides of the bluff; or the 
.shells might have been opened where they were gathered and hence 
never have accumulated in large quantity. The people would be 
likely to do this rather than go to the trouble of carrying the heavy 
loads up to their elevated homes. 

No shell deposits of any consequence were found on either Mad or 
Eel rivers. On the rocky coast south of Eel river shell was reported 
at sites 114, 115, and 117. A deposit of shell was also reported at 
site 116 near Guthrie creek, but two and one-half miles inland from 
the coast. It is said that when the whites first settled the district, 
there was here an open space of several acres within the forest. 

Site 5. near the mouth of Mad river, is deserving of some notice 
because of Indian myths concerning the place. To the north of Mad 
river there is a tableland of an elevation of forty or more feet with a 
steep bluff on the ocean side. On the top of the tableland, at the edge 
of the bluff, a sand hill stretches for five or six hundred feet. This is 
perhaps a natural deposit except for the upper foot or two, which con- 



278 Uiiivcisilii of Califiiniia Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlin. [Vol.14 

sists of blackened sand filled with gopher holes. The surface is cov- 
ered with ail unusual number of burnt stones the size of one's fist 
and smaller. Tiiere are a few chert fragments, the refuse from imple- 
ment inakiiiu', but no signs of any shell fragments. 

t<iics fur Surf-fishitiij 

Powers says of tin/ Wiyot that "their manner of smelt-fishing in 

tiie surf, whereby tlieir eyes were often filled witii brine, and the 

high, sand-driving winds which prevail at certain seasons about the 

estuary of Eel river, occasioned much ophthalmia among them, and 

eventually a great deal of blindness."'''' He also more fully describes 

fishing ill the ocean surf at the mouth of the Kiamath river in these 

words:''" 

Aloug tlie coast tliev eii^ane largely in siiii'lt Hsliiiig. Tlie fi.sliL'niiau takes two 
long slender poles wliieh he frames together uitli a eross-pieee in the shape of the 
letter A, anil aeicjss tliese he stretches a net witli small meshes, bagging down 
cciiisiileralilv. This net he connects by a throat, with a long bag-net floating 
in the wati'i- hehiml him, and then, [irovided with a strong staft', he wades out up 
to his middle. When an unusually heavy billow surges in he plants his staff 
firmly on tin' bottom, ducks his hi'ad forwaril, and allows it to boom oyer him. 
After ea<h wave he clips with his net and hoists it np, wliereupon the smelt sli<le 
down to tlie point and thrcjugh the throat into the bag net. Whi'ii the latter con- 
tains a buslii'l (ir so lie wades asliinH- and empties it into his scpiaw's basket. 
About sunset appears to be the nmst favoiable time for smelt-fishing, and at this 
time the gi'eat bar across the month of the Ivlanuitli presents a lively and interest- 
ing spectacle. Sometimes many scores of swarthy heads may be seen bobbing 
amid the surf like so many seadions. 

It apijeai's that smi'lt though fond of surf dislike beaches because 
the waves stir nj) the sand too much, ilost of the Wiyot coast is 
sandy, but near the iiioutlis of Eel and ilad rivers gravel has been 
washed down during the centuries by the rivers aiul distrilmted along 
the shore by the action of tide and storm. P>aek from the water's edge 
there is a ridge of sand ten feet or more in elevation, covered with 
logs and dfiftwocid thrown uyt high and dvy by storms at times of 
extremely high tide. 

Back from this ridge to the south of Mad river all is drifting 
sand, which one-third of a mile from the ocean reach elevations of 
from si.xty to eighty-tive feet. To tlu' rear of the ridge littered with 
driftwood, there is perhaps a greater aggregate of archaeological 
remains than anywhere else in the region, not exce]itiiig even the 



■'■''' Ste|iheM I'owi'is, (III. cii., p. lo;;. 

'■'O Ibitl., p. .jO. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeograpliy and Archaeology of the TViyot Territory 279 

larger shellmounds, for if the wind would uniformly blow away the 
sand we possibly might tind a continuous strip of archaeological re- 
mains several hundred feet wide and over three miles long southward 
from Had river mouth. 

These remains are of two classes, as illustrated on plate 10, and 
must be of considerable age, to judge by their extent as well as the 
Indian myths concerning them. The first class consists of circular 
patches of ground six or eight feet in diameter covered with stones 
the size of one's fist and smaller. In some cases these stones lie only 
a few inches apart and nearly cover the ground. Many of them show 
signs of fire. The illustration is hardly typical, because in this case 
the stones are few in number and scattered over a wider area than 
usual. A partial count made fifteen such circles, and it is estimated 
that there are twenty or thirty in all. There were also several heaps 
two feet in diameter, composed of burnt stones. 

The second class of remains in this shore district south of Mad 
river is made up of fifty or more patches of shell, chert fragments, 
and small stones or pebbles varying in size from hen's eggs to 
lentils. Why the small pebbles or coarse gravel should have been 
brought to the camp sites is not known, but that they were brought 
there bj' man is unquestionable, since they are not found apart from 
other evidences of human occupation. On the map these remains have 
been divided somewhat arbitrarily into four groups, sites 10, 11, 12, 
and 13, each being separated from the next by drifts of sand. The 
Wiyot also divide the remains into two or three groups, with names 
for each. The northern gi"oup, apparently equivalent to the group 
numbered as site 10, has two names, tokelibowok and sho. The name, 
wadiswa, was given to remains situated south of site 10. 

Small fragments of chert of various colors, blue, green, yellow, 
red, chocolate, and black, the refuse from implement making, are 
widely distributed and could be gathered by the bushel. Among them 
were found about forty more or less fragmentary chipped implements, 
including spear and arrow points, scrapers, knives, and drills. Eight 
of the better specimens are illustrated on plate 15. The writer knows 
nothing about the geology of the Humboldt bay region, but because 
about half of the gravel and small unbroken pebbles at these surf- 
fishing camps are composed of chert, there is every reason to believe 
that a formation of chert exists somewhere in the region, and the loca- 
tion would seem to be the area drained by Luffenholtz and Norton 
creeks, since the Wiyot names of these refer to flint. It is not unlikely 



280 UniversHy of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

that this chert formation is of the same age and character as that in 
the Franciscan series on San Francisco peninsula.'*' 

Only one specimen of obsidian was found in this district, a red 
and black knife about three inches long (pi. 15, fig. 2). This speci- 
men must have been brought from a distance, since not the slightest 
particle of obsidian refuse could be found anywhere. Obsidian prob- 
ably does not occur within the limits of the Wiyot area, and what the 
nearest source would be the writer is not prepared to say, but it occurs 
in abundance as boulders on the ridges at the head of Eel river."- 

A Imrd sandstone similar in textui'e to the rock from wliicli many 
implements are made, and a very small amount of quartz, are the 
other rock materials composing the gravel and pebbles. Some of the 
patches covered with gravel, pebbles, and chert fragments are almost 
devoid of shell. 

In each of the patches of shell there seems to be a tendency for 
one species of mollusk to predominate. In general, the most connnon 
species are tliose of the larger clams, I'aphia, Schizuthacrus, and 
Sa.riduiiius. Xext in order of abundance are the soft sliell clam, 
Macoma iidsuta, the razor-sliell, tSiliqua patuln, and two species of 
mussel, Mytilus callf(jrnknius and .1/. cdulis. There were but few 
cockle shells, Cardidiii. As a rule the shell is very much scattered, 
seldom being in beds. One l)ed of nuissel two and a half feet in diam- 
eter and six inches thick was found underlaid witli charcoal. This 
would indicate the amount cooked at one time by baking in the shell, 
but for some reason the shell was left undisturbed after being baked. 

Animal bones were sulSciently few to allow of all (with tlie excep- 
tion of a few whale bones) being taken away in a sack along with the 
stone artifacts. They included, in order of abundance, elk, seal, sea- 
lion, wliale. and sea-otter. Only three small fragments of luimau 
bones could be found. This fact miglit lead to the conclusion that 
there were here no permani'ut villages but only temporary places of 
abode. However, the dead might have been cremated, and the large 
number of burnt stones indicates tluit a great deal of cooking has 
been done here. 

Nearly fifty stone sinkers were found, and a dozen stones tliat liad 
Ijcen used probably in breaking up cliert for manufacture into imple- 



61 The chert formation, wliioli appears to be of Jurassic age, and which is 
formed from an accumulation of the silicious .skeletons or tests of micro.scopic, 
marine animals known as radiolaria, is found on San Francisco peninsula and 
northward. See Univ. Calif. Publ., Bull. T)ept. Geol. ; and especially A. C. Lawson, 
15th Ann. Rep. U. S. Geol. Surv., 1893-94. 

62 George Gibbs, op. cit., pp. 114, 116. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Arciiaeology of the Wiyot Territory 281 

meats (pi. 17, fig. 6). The great number of sinkers and the hammer 
stones, together with the abundance of chert refuse, would indicate 
that the campers engaged in fishing when the fishing was good and 
between times worked at flaking implements. 

Wiyot infoi'mants did not mention ever having camped on the 
sites described above, but said that they were formerly occupied by a 
now extinct race. They did admit that three spots between Eel river 
and Cape Fortunas were used as camp sites by them while surf-fi.shing 
and gathering mollusks. The writer did not visit this stretch of coast, 
but was told that at site 114 the wind exposes shell and arrow points. 

PLACES OF MYTHOLOGICAL INTEREST 

Sites 10, 11, 12, and 13. — Chief among the places of mythological 
interest are the surf-fishing camps on the ocean shore south of Mad 
river. There are several names for these sites. Dandy Bill gave the 
name, tokelibowok, for the northern site, while he said there was 
another name that he could not remember for the prehistoric remains 
opposite site 36. He was not familiar with the two names given by 
Aleck Sam, sho, for the northern, and wadiswa, for the southern pai't 
of the stretch of remains. 

On these sites the ' ' Old Nation ' ' known as the wigidokowok"*^ used 
to live. The informants stated that they did not know much about 
these ancient people because their fathers never told them much, but 
that a long time ago there used to be a great many of these beings and 
that they were about as much like animals as they were like men. Per- 
haps they were the deer people, or the elk people, or possibly the duck 
people. The informants did not know. By and by another people 
came and constantly tricked the first people. One way in which they 
annoyed them was by dropping excrement down the smoke holes into 



cs The mythological material in the following pages was obtained only inci- 
dentally, and is given with the hope that it may serve as a clue to future investi- 
gation. Sketches of Wiyot mythology have also been made by A. L. Kroeber 
under the titles: Wishosk Myths, Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, xviir, 8.5, 1905; Wiyot 
Folk-lore, ibid., xxi, 35, 1908; Religion of the Indians of California, present 
scries, IV, 3-18, 1907. In the last paper cited (p. 342), Kroeber says: "The 
Northwestern mythologies are characterized primarily by a very deeply impressed 
conception of a previous, now vanished, race, who by first living the life and per- 
forming the actions of mankind were the producers of all human institutions and 
arts as well as of some of the phenomena of nature. Second in importance in the 
Northwest are myths dealing with culture-heroes more or less of the trickster 
type." In the second citation (p. 38), Kroeber gives the name, wigidokowok, in 
a slightly varying form. He says : ' ' Powerful supernatural beings are called 
wakLrash, or yagabichirakw. Among such are the inhabitants of lakes. Wlien 
one of these takes pity on a man, he becomes physically strong and fierce." 



282 Univcrsiti/ of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etiin. [Vol.14 

their dwelling's. These droppings can be seen now as the circles of 
stones that have been described (pi. 10, tig. 2). So the tirst people 
became angry and left. Some say that they went far to the south, and 
that perhaps theii- descendants are now the Mexicans. 

Site S. — Tliese same ancient people used to live also on site 8 near 
a waterfall on Mill creek. According to a manuserii)t of A. L. Kroe- 
ber, the Yurok lielieved that the trail to the world of the dead began 
at a place near here.''* 

Siti 5. — This site, located at the toji of the blutf near the mouth of 
Mad river, is associated with the Old Nation by both the Wiyot and 
the Athapascans living on ilad river. Tom Brown, who is getting old 
and in conscMpience is somewhat incoherent in his remarks, said that 
his father used to nuike a Jumping dance for ten days every summer 
at the recent village at site 4, and the same kind of a dance every 
winter on top of the bluff where the "first people" used to live. He 
said in connection with this dance that if one dreamed of snakes he 
would liavi' no luck in fishing for four or five days. He also made 
sever;d statements regarding a tiond that was understood to apply to 
the people of this |ilace. There was a flood that tiiree tinu's drowned 
all the pcojile (in earth, but they said: "Next time we will grow up." 
One num always eame bai'k again and was tiie beginning of another 
people, which in its turn was drowned. 

Tahic Jiliili.—])nui]y Hill associateil Table Bluff with the flood.''-' 
He said that "many tlimisands (if years ago" there was a flood all 
around Table Blutf. One num jirophesied that a flood would cover 
all the earth and all the hills; but some people would not believe him. 
A woman made a water-tight basket large enough to hold a boy and 
his sister. She gave the Ijoy a stdue knife abcmt four inches long, 
]")ut a tight cover on the basket, and smeared it with ]iiteh. Roll I roll! 
roll! went the basket in the waves. By and by the boy could not feel 
it rolling any more, lie cut a hdle in the liasket and found that there 
was no more wafei', that it had all gone (l(n\n. Then he saw raccoon 
tracks and frog tracks. lie built a brush hut. married his sister, 
and the world became jieopled again. 

Sifr 78. — Another ])lace where the Old Nation used to live was at 
site 78, neai' Elk river. The first peojile that ever li\-ed made a name 
for this place, calling it chwauoehkok. That was the "old fashioned 



('•i See footnote 170. 

'■'■'• A. L. Kroeber, Jovir. Am. Folk-Ijorc, xvni. !)(i, says that a liigli iiiountaiii 
between Mail river and Redwood creek was anotlier elevation of tliis re};ion that 
reiU'lied above the waters of the tlood. See page 296. 



1918J Loud: Ethnogeograpliy and Archaeologi/ of the Wiyot Territory 283 

uame" which the fathers passed along to their sous, so that tlie place 
has always been called by that name. 

Site 68. — Dandy Bill said that there were many stories about the 
large shellmound on the center of Gunther island. His accounts are 
about as follows : For thousands and thousands of years this place 
has been occupied by a very large village belonging to one "nation" 
after another. Two hundred years ago"" there was a medicine-man 
living here who was- the first man of one of the nations. One day 
just after breakfast he saw five pelicans flying overhead. He made a 
"roll" (chai-m) and said: "I wish you would fall." Four of the 
pelicans fell but the fifth flew away. After getting the pelicans the 
medicine-man had great success in fishing and became a powerful man, 
inducing many people to live at his village. 

At one time fish were very scarce and could not be caught. Then 
this medieine-man took an old pipe about four inches in diameter 
and filled it with native tobacco. He smoked the pipe and "wished" 
for fish and all kinds of food. He took two men in a canoe and pad- 
dled all about the bay. He went toward Areata wishing for fish, and 
did not come home until daylight. Then he lay down in the sweat- 
house and said to the two men with him: "You can catch fish now. 
I felt it some little time ago." The two men came back with a boat- 
load of fish. 

Site L, gerdri-dersiskadawin. — At this place, located near a county 
bridge on Mad river, there is a big rock in the river bed, with peculiar 
natural markings across its top. There was a young unmarried 
woman, gerdri, who came from a far away country, and who had a 
baby by a man living at this place. The child matured at a phenome- 
nal rate. Then the young woman was homesick. The man tried to 
persuade her to stay, but she was obstinate; so he pressed her down 
into the river and made her stay there. 

The Athapascan account is very similar, adding that the man was 
the very first of the Indian race, and that when he found that he 
could not keep the woman he killed her, making several slashes with 
his knife across her body, which are now the marks on the rock. 

Other places. — On Bel river near site az, according to an old tale, 
there used to be a little animal, something like a coyote, that came to 
the top of the water and barked. The details of this story were not 
obtained. 



66 The informant, although thoroiiglily I'cliahlc in otlier respects, was very 
inconsistent in his statements regarding the duration of time, two or three hun- 
dreds of years apparently often meaning as mueh to him as the same number of 
thousands or hundreds of thousands. 



284 Vniversity of Californm Puhlicatiuns in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

There were several other sites coiieerniug which informants said 
there were stories of the people who used to live on them. Two in- 
formants liiiitcd that there were fal(>s about site 22 at Samoa. Sites 
79, 108, and 23 were occupied by villages "a long time ago," that is, 
"one hundred," or "two hundred," or "three hundred years ago" 
in the Indian's vague, indefinite way of reckoning the passage of 
time. Site 23 besides being perhaps the largest shellmound of the 
region, and hence undoubtedly ancient, was a place where a dance 
was held. People also lived on sites 2 and 3 "a long time ago." As 
time was limiti'd, the writer did not press his inquiry, and so is luiable 
to say whetlier these stories belong to the realm of mythology or to 
that of historical tradition. 

Afhapasciin Blyths. — The Athapascans say tluit b<'fore the Indians 
existed there was another race, tlie first people, called (Ijilidldjwhe.''^ 
These people were born at the mcnith of Mad river at site 5. There 
were also many of tlicm up the river at site N, where the county road, 
following an old Indian trail, goes around a rock, ts((, the name of the 
place being tsf(-miiiilgetindik-tin. Farther u]) the river at site p, 
the first man met a woman and tore her dress. 



LISTS OF GEOGRAPIIIOAL NAMES 

The writer has had no training in phonetics and in consequence 
can lay no claim to great accuracy in the orthography of the following 
Indian names of jilaees. All the Wiyot names were olitained from 
Tom Brown and Aleck Sam, who live at the mouth of J\Iad river, and 
from Dandy Bill, who lives at the south end of the bay. The Atha- 
pascan names were ol)tained from Jim Brock, born at site y, and John 
Stevens, boni near IMajile creek. Both men have "VVliilkut wives and 
their dialect is probably Wliilkut, although they have had considei"- 
able association with the Chilula. About three-quarters of the words, 
or tliose obtained from Dandy Bill and the two Athapascan inform- 
ants, were recorded on a phonograph, so that the writer's memory 
might 1)0 refreshed and inconsistencies eliminated. Unfortunately 
the record obtained from Jim Brock was broken in traiisif. Owing to 
this fact as well as to the extrem(> difficulties of Athapascan to a begin- 
ner, the writer is mueli less satisfied with his orthography of these 
names than wifli his \Vi\'ot luimes. 



''" Till' writir is iint lertaiii wlntlirr tlic wnnl is in tlu' siiiL;iil;ii' or the plural, 
vvlu'tlicr it is tile naiiii' of a raie or tlir ii.iinc nl' tlie lirst ni.-iii ol' that race. 



1918] Loud: JSthnogeography and Areliaeology of the Wiyot Territory 285 

In the various Wiyot names all the consonant sounds found in 
English were encountered, except f, v, and z. In addition to these 
there were several other sounds. One of these is similar to the Welsh 
11. and has been written l in eonfonnity with the usage of American 
anthropologists. A catch lias been written '. Ch is as in church ; x, 
met with onh^ three times, has a sound similar to German eh in buch ; 
g denotes the sound as in go; j has the English sound, written dj, 
never the French zj sound ; t has a sound similar to th in thin. Where 
a syllable is strongly accented it has been marked thus : '. The vowel 
sounds are as follows : 

a as in father 6 as in note 

a as in Cuba o as in hot 

a as in hat u as oo in boot 

e as in they u as in put 

e as in met ai as in aisle 

e as in her au as ou in loud 

i as in machine oi as in oil 
i as in pin 

In some cases an informant gave a second name for a locality. In 
other cases different informants either pronounced differently or used 
another name. In the latter case it is possible that a different locality 
in the near vicinity was intended. When inquiry was made as to the 
meaning of a name, it was frequently stated that it was merely the 
name and without any meaning, though there is little doubt that a 
greater expenditure of time might have found meanings for most of 
the names. Sometimes either a very free translation was given or 
something descriptive of the suri'oundings. Literal meanings, whether 
obtained from informants or from existing vocabularies, are presented 
with h.ypliens connecting the stems, and with corresponding hyphens 
connecting the English translations of these stems. A question mark 
in connection with the translation of a stem indicates that the exact 
correctness of the translation is doubtful, while the same sign sep- 
arated from the remainder of the translation by a liyphen shows that 
no meaning is known for the Indian stem which occupies a corre- 
sponding position. 

The same system of orthography is used for the Athapascan 
names as for the Wiyot names. One sound noted neither in Wiyot 
names nor known in English is rendered by the letter w in conformity 
with the usage of Dr. P. E. Goddard. 



28() University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

Witjot Geugraphical Names 

The following are the names of archaeological sites which were 

used in 1850 by the Wiyot as village or camp sites : 

Site 1, ta-pel-n, " ?-fliut" 

Site 2, pict-kosom-ili, "rook-small-?" 

Site 4, kolike'me'''' 

Site (!, churai', djome 

Site 7, givisokiis 

Site 9, betser'o 

Site 14, hotwaiyonvok 

Site 17, iugutkuk 

Site 19, tserketsok^i 

Site 2(i, lekiiliwiL, sgekcliwisg 

Site 31, tokiiUnviLk, tokelibosL, tokiilibwiL 

Site 32, tagoriok 

Site 33, tapo 't, howetotol 

Site 34, mole'l 

Site 34, (graves), witai-liwhaymvin 

Site 3<!, bikatslikatwavanik, begutsglits 

Site 39, mipn't 

Site 48, plets-wok, " roi-k-at " 

Site 08, ikdti'hipi 

Site 6"), toloiapLik 

Site fi7, tolowot 

Site f)8, ctpiiloL wotpi'iuL 

Site 73, kutsi'r«iiLik"2 

Site 77, ikso'ri 

Site 78, clnvfinoclikok 

Site 79, djorukegochkok 

Site 80, mdroLrok 

Site 83, dolawotkuk 

Site 84, toporok 

Site 8li, potatuli 

Site 88, atuimtkarOiviltaliivi'i, 

Site 90, toktoffoka 

Site 91, kosiibo]ila 

Site 92, sowokwokertsokoweL 

Site 93, yowo 

Site 9S, tscik 

Site 100, vdWdiiawoeh 

Site 102, tolri. 

Site 104, twetkoka,twetk(ik'ker 



OS Mcauiiig said to be "across the river." 

•ic The ending -ok is met with over t^venty times; cf. Wiyot locative siiflix -akw, 
on, in, at (present series, ]X, 39.j). 

'!> Cf. hfitu-ar, freshet; aau-ubrt.ser, it is becoming dry (present series, ix, 
409, 398). 

'1 Cf. I.iiir, small species of mussel. 

''" Cf. ijuts, good. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 287 

Site 109, lokelebu" 

Site 112, betmet 

Site 114, tokertayerwok 

Site 115, lolito'dek, loliso'tak 

Site 117, dat-owok, "up-at" 

The following archaeological sites are not known to have been 

used b.y the Wij-ot in modern times as dwelling places. In addition 

to these, there were nearly fifty other sites, for which no names were 

obtained. 

Site 3, doLokoli 

Site 5, kliwotkut'* 

Site 8, dje'gedjoho 

Site 10, tokelibowok, sho 

Site 11, wadiswa 

Site 22, djo 'mak 

Site 23, digawethfltkiL, tekewethatkl 

Site 37, klauwegidiL, drauarerkworatchker 

Site 38, shotosherokotkerel, miset' 

Site 69, djeroehichichiwil 

Site 70, toLokoliL, toklokoIiL"^ 

Site 71, wots-otklik^a 

Site 82, toLokobidjwotno, tokobidjwotno 

Site 85, erotpiL 

Site 87, toternerklomuk'7 

Site 108, likagerolikTs 

Site 110, werkatkoluitfili, -werkatkoIowotoleL's 

Site 113, welapL 

The village and camp sites in the following list were located by the 
help of Wiyot informants. They were either not visited by the writer 
or if visited were found to contain no noticeable archaeological 



remains. 



Site A, hatpile'ka 

Site B, krochgro'yekruk, tasiswnso 

Site c, tisopilJgeLi 

Site E, plet-er-sowet, "rock-?-wliite' 

Site F, klichimat 



'3 Name refers to the trail crossing the peninsula from the bay to the ocean 
beach. Cf. the names for sites 10, 26, and 31. 

74 Name said to refer to a rise of ground. 

75 Cf . !o?tx, slough ; laliij, creek. 

76 Cf . wats, diminutive. 

'7 Name said to refer to an extra large spring. 

78 Name said to refer to a marshy point. Cf. lil-ogerleli, point or cape. 

79 Name said to refer to a log partly made into a canoe, then abandoned. 
Cf. ikatati, house boards or lumber; hoUJivi, canoe; and dale, stand. Holdwi is 
itself a compound from hu 'I, water, and fnvi, go. 

80 Siswa. black, probably referring to an edible plant growing there. See 
under Ethnobotany, also footnote 98. 



288 Uiiivfr.sity nf California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlin. [Vol.14 

Site H, tdkoktSweLur 

Site I, klichibot 

Site J, tokel(?rboku'8i 

Site L, giirari-di'i'siskawin, gi'rfiri-iK'siskailawinss 

Site o, tariwi'r«iyugunS3 

Site p, kotsil-howi-loli, "crow-come-creek " 

Site R, topodi'i-os, tapoteross* 

Site .\L, kokte' 

Site AM, goiiieodo'dog 

Site AN, kwetoLs 

Site AO, totokuk 

Site AP, wotsdLik 

Site AQ, tolotpiLikss 

Site AR, tekwogok 

Site AS, itegok 'wliule*" 

Site AT. iiiiplok 

Site AU, liiieliwoelikur 

Site AV, tokwlR'i'ok 

Site AW, liowotkiL 

Site AX, vvosala 

Site AY. swediiawoelikro 

Site AZ, luikomvoyok 

Site BA, kwigi'i'goyok 

Site BB, tswoki'i'uk 

Site BC, tsolskdgr 

Site BD, kigiirgdduliL, kigdergodolti 

Site BE, wotwetwok 

Site below Scotia, tokemuk 

Site at Scotia, tokeneivoi.ok 

Till' I'dlliiwiiig' list includes the Wiyot iiaines of rivers and creeks 
arranged in their (irder from north to south : 

Lult'eidioUz creek, ta-pel-o, " ?-fliut " 

Little river, itcligaro''-' 

Strawberry creek, kwesperkogoli 

Creek at site 3, loli.r^'' 

Mad river, batwof'' 

Mouth of Mill creek, tfiiicskiit 

Mill Creek falls, tai.e', toi.i 



*>i Name said to refer to spearing salmon. 
5*2 Ocrari, young unmarried woman. 

*<s Name said to refer to Warren creek canon being like a split crotch. 
s-i Topodi ros, an onion like food plant. Sec under Etlinobotany. 
'"^^ Name said ti> refer to a slougli around it. 
*>•■' Name .said to refer to a leaning spruce; cf. tok, spruce. 
"J Name said to refer to a kind of footprint in the flat rock at the crossing. 
ss The word for slough, though the ajiplication here is not known. 
SSI Stejihcn Powers, oji. cit., p. 9(>, used the term Patawat to designate the 
inhabitants of lower Mad river. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Arcluieology of the Wiyot Territory 289 

Vance creek, kotsil-howi-loli, ' ' crowcome-ereek ' ' 

Lindsey creek mouth, topoderos-dotigerdol^o 

Lindsey creek, tapoteros 

Hall creek, djonokut-otigerdol 

Norton creek, pel-taliweL, "flint-?" 

North fork of Mad river, ro 'lit 

Humboldt bay, wikem 

Jacoby creek, kokte' 

Freshwater creek, gomeododog 

Clark slough, toLokoliL, toklokoliLS>2 

Elk river, iksc'ri^s 

Salmon creek, toktowoka 

Eel river, wlyot 

Palmer creek, wedjodjtog 

Strongs creek, gcLwot 

Price creek, weLok 

Van Duzen river, kigergodolib, kigdergodolti 

Salt river, oka't 

Francis creek, topoehoehwii, 

Williams creek, Lowe'aka 

Branstadter creek, gigerton 

Guthrie creek, lolito 'dek, loliso 'tak 

Oil creek, datowok 

Tom Brown gave metchkor as the name of the Yurok dialect 
spoken at Trinidad and Little river, saying that the people at Big 
Lagoon to the north of Trinidad spoke differently.-'* 

Grizzlj' Bluff', the ridge between Williams creek and Price creek, 
was called wiritildodj, and the point of Grizzly Bluff opposite Van 
Duzen river was kadjo'h-d:\tigerdoli."'' There were many acorns pro- 
duced on this ridge, which furnished food for numerous grizzly bears. 

Above How creek there is a slide where fossil clams, abalone, etc., 
are said to be found. It is called kotwaryuwok. The name of only 
one of the numerous prairies was obtained, that of Areata Prairie, 
gudinl'. The names of the trails have been given on page 231. 



9" Topoderds, an onion-like food plant. Name said to mean ' ' wild potato 
creek come out to the river. ' ' 

91 George Davidson, Pacific Coast Pilot, p. 102, 1869, gives Qualawaloo as 
being the Indian name of Humboldt bay. 

92 See footnote 75. 

93 George Gibbs, op. cit., p. 131, gives the name as Kashareh. The Coast and 
Geodetic Survey chart of 18.58 gives the name, Mowitch, but this is a name intro- 
duced by the whites from a Chinook word meaning deer or elk. 

94 According to A. L. Kroeber this name is probably the Yurok name of Little 
river, metsko, and site 2 at its mouth, see i)age 297. 

95 The latter half of this name occurs also in the name of two creeks tributary 
to Mad river. See footnote 90. 



290 Vniversiti/ of California PubUcations in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

Athnpascan Geographical Names 

Jim Brock, borii at site Y, gave the Athapascan names of places 

along Mad river as far up as Maple creek, and John Stevens, born 

at tse-didis-ten, two miles below jMaple creek, gave the names of places 

between there and Blue Lake. The following are the place names: 

Site 4, kiaji-li6Iiu-tin!>6 

Site 5, djetljolineme 

Site A, euukdkachis"' 

Island, tanasautsukut, taiiasamikut 

Site B, tasol-tin'JS 

Site 6, yegidilos-ten 

Site 7, tet-ming-a, "brusli-edge" 

Mill Creek falls, nilin 

Site c, kloche-ua'lin-tiu, " flat (?) -creek-place" 

Site D, kos-tcuaiete-ten, "wild potato- ?-place"39 

Site E, mis-krit, "bluff along "i"0 

Site P, holche'k-nie ', "nettle-?" 

Site G, klochimeik 'il-tiuim 

Site I, tachcnkrilclnvhe-teniu- 

Site 9, tidil'-tinios 

Site J, klokwu'scskd-teu, " sturgeon- ?-[ilace " 

Site K, klrikai-kemfklokioi 

Site L, yShntkete-ten 

Site M. gcnasna'uime 

Site X, tsd-niinilgetindik-tin, " rock- .'-place " 

Site o, toi-lninsel-ten, ' ' ?-sun-place ' 'lur. 

Site P, kaiai'dikik-tin 

Site Q, ts»tikai-tin, "rock-?-place "iti" 

Site s, djcinasliun-dasun-den, "fern-?-place" 

Site T, k6clnvekt--teni'J" 

Site V, khokwo-siltin-tin, " redwood- .'-place "i"* 



E"5 Name said to refer to tlie ' ' river going down. ' ' Nearly two-thirds of the 
names have the locative suffix, of which the variations -(in, -ten, and -den were 
noted. P. E. Goddard, Notes on the Chilula, present series, X, 282, 1914, uni- 
formly writes -diii. 

97 Name said to refer to the "village on the other side." 

9s Name said to refer to a kind of edible "grass" growing there, a plant 
three feet high called honsisalitcheli, probably wild caraway. See heading, Ethno- 
botany, and footnote 80. 

"9 Name said to refer to digging "wild potatoes" growing in wet and marshy 
ground and washing them in a "lake" at this place. 

100 The Jumping dance was said to be held here. 

101 Name said to refer to getting fish here, including smelt, tcdintil. 

lo^ iSTame said to mean "fern roots make them place," tuchenka' being the 
edible fern roots. 

103 Name saiil to refer to a smooth river, favorable for catching salmon. 

104 Name saici to mean "they grow like wild oats." A prairie was near by 
on which Idol'ii ', wild oats, grew, and there were pounded into meal to be eaten. 

lo.'i Name refers to the timl)er being so dense that there was but little sunshine. 
""1 Name refers to white rock, now buried in sand, which was visible for a 
long distance. 

1"" Kiiehu-rk'i' ' is an onomatopoetic name of a bird, possibly the quail. 
i«'' A flat prairie with one big redwood log to which the name refers. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 291 

Site V, dania-miLauilin-tinioo 

Site w, itsin-ietu'lin-tin, "go dowii-?-place"iio 

Site X, itikiku 'man-tin, " woodpecker- ?-place " 

Site Y, itsin-ohogindis-ten, "go down-?-place"iii 

Site z, mis-kritikrit, "bluff-?" 

Site AA, klokeche 

Site AB, djadenesno-ten 

Site AC, taikeu'-shun-den, "sweathouse-?-place" 

Site AD, mis-kene'hu-teu, " bluff- ?-place" 

Site AE, miketime"- 

Site AP, gestakatii3 

Site AG, khaiyamei'4 

Site AH, tse-inatiihvo-tenii5 

Site Ai, djinakhoe-teniis 

Site Aj, tolkai'e-ten'i' 

Site AK, dj 'endjee-ten, dj 'endje-whotus 

Wiyot boundary, tse-tena 'tfilwo-teniia 

Canon creek mouth, who'nta, ' ' houses ' ' 

, mis-ta-ten, " bluff- ?-place "120 

, khokwo-taehe-ten, " redwood- ?-placei2i 

Dry creek mouth, artes-slandjeolin-tin, " grasshopper- ?-place" 

Site below Foster creek, whotsdj6tache-tini22 

Site on Foster creek, ituke-nole'-tin, ' ' up-waterfall-place ' '123 

, k'eyamei24 

, yinok, "south," or "up stream "125 

, tse-didis-teni2o 

Black creek mouth, hotintelimei27 

Maple creek mouth, tilchehuerkut, dilcherhiierkut 

Boulder creek mouth, yinalinowhot 



109 Bama, a kind of dark wood growing to a size of four inches in diameter. 
11" Name said to refer to a bend in the river here. 

111 Name refers to the traO going down from Liscom Hill Prairie, holtsista-tin, 
to the village. 

112 Name said to refer to being behind North fork of Mad river. 

113 Name said to refer to a deep fishing hole. 

ii* Name said to refer to an eddy at the base of a waterfall. 
11'' TsS, sticks, which were left there after a prayer. See page 2.33. 
11" Name said to refer to a prairie. 
Ill" Name said to refer to shining gravel. 

118 Name refers to a strong sweep of the wind at that place. 
ii» Name said to refer to "many rocks in the river." Cf. the name for site 
AH. Tsc means rocks, also sticks. 

120 First village above Caiion creek on the northeast side of the river, position 
not definitely located. 

121 Second village above Caiion creek on the northeast side of the river, position 
not definitely located. 

122 Three houses, three or four miles below the mouth of Maple creek. Name 
said to refer to a low prairie. 

123 Same name also given to a prairie half a mile up the creek from its mouth; 
ituk, up, also, east. 

124 Location not determined ; an eddy, a deep fishing hole. See similar name 
for site ag. 

125 Two houses on the east side of the river, two or three miles below Maple 
creek. 

128 Ten or more houses two miles below Maple creek. 

127 Name said to refer to a prairie near by, known as hinukerchfndi<en. 



292 Vnivfrsitii of Califiirnia Puhlications in Am. Arch, and Ethii. [Vol. 14 

The following are tlie Athapascan names of creeks along Mad 
river : 

Mad river, nilin-taike '128 

Mill creek, nawilin 

Warren creek, kaghuntaui-tini^s 

Lindsey creek, honsokhot 

Hall creek, djoiiohat 

North fork of Mad river, ginande'hot 

Wind creek, dj 'eudje-what':"' 

, artes-slankc, " frrasHliopiier-?" 

First creek below Cafiou creek, mis-kwo 

Canon creek, ginatsanowhot 

Next creek east, getseer-wliot 

Dry creek, artes-slaniljrolin, ''grasshopper-?" 

First creek uortli of Foster creek, sitdjikaite, sitdjita-wliot 

Foster creek, iljelfio-wluitisi 

Butler creek, dj 'rndje-whot'sa 

Black creek, tse-takwhot 

Maple creek, djenieta-whoti^s 

Boulder creek, yinfilinowhot 

Wli/ot Ndiina Ohtdiiiul hij Krnilxr and Wat( nnan 

A. L. Kroeliei' and T. T. Waterman in the course of other studies 
obtained a considerable inimber of Wiyot names of places, not alone 
in the territory of the Wi.yot lint in the territorj' of the surrounding 
jieoples as well, and also a list of Yurok names of places in Wiyot 
territory. The orthography in tln'se lists is as taken from a manu- 
script of Dr. Kroeber's and is as follows: L, surd 1, perhaps usually 
spiraid, but jirobably soiiirtinies atfricative ; g, spii'ant, always in 
Yurok, often in Wiyot: (|, velar; x, postpalatal spirant: s. nearly like 
sh ; er, vocalic r: (/, sinular to a in hat. The Wiyot lutmes for the 
various neighlioring |ieoples fcjllow: 

Crescent City and fSiiiitli river Indians, d:ihnva 

Karok Indians, gura-dalii. 

Karok language, gura-dalii. rakwe lak or denakwatedak 

Hupa Indians, hap 'tana 

Upper Trinity river Indians, <leiwin 

Chilula and Whilkut, wis-aski^* 



'-"A small river or creek is culled iiiliii, a large river, hantm-. 

i-'-'Name said to refer to binls, like crows, fl.ying about. 

i-iogee footnote 118. 

'■" Name said to refer tci tlie many fish, incluiling crooked nose salmon, that 
go u]] this large creek. 

i:i^ See footnote 118. 

133 Djfmi'wlniiip, white pine. 

is-i Wi.si, inlancl, east. The term Wishosk, through a misunderstanding, has 
been erroneously ajiplied as a designation of the Wiyot by early writers. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeograpliy and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 293 

Athapascan language, wisi-lak 

Non-Athapasean people of upper Mad river, da-sulatelu 

Wi.vot Indians on Mad river, batwat-dare-daliL 

Indians on Humboldt bay, wiki-dare-daliL 

Wiyot Indians on Eel river, wiyot-dare-daliL 

The Wij'ot place names, presumably either archaeological or mod- 
ern village sites, as obtained by A. L. Kroeber and T. T. Waterman, 
follow. They are arranged in order down the coast and up each suc- 
ceeding river. Some of them can be identified with sites located by 
the writer ; others are perhaps second names for sites mentioned in 
the writer's lists; while still others are undoubtedly sites either not 
located at all by the writer or sites for which he obtained no names. 
Two of the informants were Yurok Indians at Trinidad who knew 
both the Wiyot and the Yurok names, but doubtless the pronuncia- 
tion of AViyot names is more or less modified. And for that matter, 
the writer noticed a considerable variet.y of pronounciation among 
the Wij^ot themselves. 

Mouth of Wilsons creek, daliL-rukiwar, "stream-?" 

Requa, katka-daliL 

Weitchpec, takeluwaliL 

Orleans, gatsewinasi^s 

Medihliii (Hupa), haluwi-tulaliyut-hu, haluwi-talaleyuLiso 

Xowunkut (Hupa), dabotsere 

Gold Bluff (Yurok espeu), eskaps 

Orick, haps 

Below Bair, kawa'Lakwia^ 

Bair, tanatapLagerawakwiss 

Berry, dalekwuta'n, dalekwuta 'li39 

Stone Lagoon (Yurok, tsahpekw), tsi'pus 

Big Lagoon (Yurok oketo), ri'tsap 

Patricks Point, tsirokwani*" 

Wooded point beyond, datsai 

Near a mill, talaLkakwo 

Trinidad, dakatsawayawan, dakatsawayawikm 

Site 1, dapelo'L 

Honda Landing, dotwiL 

Site 2, pletkasamale, pletkaLsamaliLi42 



135 Orleans is the seat of several Karok villages. 

136 Baluwi, boat. For location see map in present series, I. 

137 -alcw, locative suffix, at, in, on. This village on Redwood creek is perhaps 
site M in P. E. Goddard's Notes on the Chilula, present series, x, 1914. 

138 Site p of Goddard 's Notes on the Chilula. 

139 At the bridge five miles above Bair. 
KO An important place in myths. 

141 George Davidson, Pacific Coast Pilot, p. 104, 18(59, gives the Indian name 
of Trinidad bay as Sho'-ran. 
li- Plet, rock; lasam, small. 



29-1 Vnivcrsiti) of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

Mad River bridge, katsewiuats 

Site 9, we'tso 

Site o, derawa-weraya-3'egani 

Site z, dat-ikwog-ak, "up-?-at" 

Site t('?), (Yiirok oslegoi), daridiwiyagak 

Site AH(?), dagatsa-wogerak'-is 

Murphy, dat-hauetkek, "up-?"i^* 

, dariwetsaruwei-'-'' 

Three Cabins, pleta-lauleli'u, " roc-ks crossed" 

Rock point, plet-kukatsno 

North Spit liglithouse, kas-wcgaramekn' 

Site 14, katawayawik 

Site 15(?), walepLUs 

Site 10(1), laliL-wak, "stream-at "us 

Site 17, liiegatgak, liieratgak 

Site 21, watsenvatsk 

Samoa, tabayat 

Site 23, witkii''0 

, kotsir, "crow "I!'! 

Site 31, tokcloniigimili^'2 

Site 39, mijiet 

Site AL, goketen, koktin 

Jacoby creek mouth, siruktanii 

Site AM, kumaiilada 

Site AN. ka\vi'i.;its 

Near Eureka, moper-akw 

Site 67, dulawat 

Site (58, atberol 

Site 69, tsarutsitsiwiL 

Site 70, tai-ekaliL 

Flanagan mill, hakwesa 



us Described as being west of U.-ild mountain in tlie drainage area of Nortli 
fork. 

in On the riilgc northeast of Majde creek. 

n'' On Mad river about fifteen miles above Blue Lake, which would make it 
near Boulder creek, if any reliance can be placed on tlie estimate of the distance. 

in; A large ]Hiirit of rock on Mad river upstream from tlie last. 

H" Soutli enil of Nortli Spit; kiix, small. 

US Cf. name for site 113. 

Ill) Tliere is a small marsh and slough in front of site Ifi, which, according to 
early Coast and Geodetic Survey cliarts, were formerly more pronounced than at 
present. 

150 Given by a Yurok as tlie Wiycit ecpiivaleiit for his name teulipo, which was 
near Samoa on tlie lim- of travel from Giinther island to Mad river; hence it must 
lie site 23. The name witki was said to refer to a dance held here, agreeing with 
a statement of Roljert Gunther that the Indians u.sed to dance at site 23. 

i''i Tlie Yurok name erter<|er was said to refer to a creek or slough running 
parallel, probalily meaning either a small slough in a marsh or a cliannel in tlie 
tide tints. It was south of site 31 (Yurok eni'qolei.; Wiyot, tokclomigimil) with 
two inhabited [daces between, who.se names had been forgotten. 

i-is The Yurok equivalent eni'qolei. is said to mean "saml-dunes go over." 
Old sand-dunes over twenty feet in elevation now covered with beach pine reach 
to the bay near site 31 and the name was given perhaps in memory of the time 
wlieu fresh sand-dunes eucroacheil upon the bay. 



1918] Loud: Etlmogeography and Arcluieology of the Wiyot Territory 295 

Butcher, site 71, tsewakwer-akw 

Fort Humboldt, site 72, tsuwatskerer 

— '■ — , wamel 

Site 73, kutsoweLik 

Site 77, iksare 

South of Elk river, tarogapLi 

Site 79, tserokigetsk 

, potiLik 

, plets-wak, "roeks-at "i^s 

Fields Landing, dji 'djar 
Site 90, dakduwaka 

, legetkui54 

Site 112, bimiriiss 

Loleta, katawaLat 

Fortuna, dakwagerawakiss 

Eohnerville, haki-gaswa 

Alton, watsayeridiL 

Hydesville, tsiwilit 

Eiodell, dakimakisJ 

Ferndale, butsatswii, 

Site 114, dakdayogak 

Site 115, lalitara 'dek 

Site 117, datogak 

Bear river mouth, tswaregadatsiL 

Mattole river mouth, wetsarii, 

The following are the Wi.yot names of rivers and creeks as obtained 
bj' Kroeber and Waterman: 

Klamath river, ikti 'n, hikti 'n 

Trinity river, takeluwaliL 

Redwood creek, darebus, hale-wisiiss 

Stone Lagoon, tsi'pus 

Big Lagoon, ri'tsap 

Little river, plet-kasam-ale, ' ' roek-small- V ; plet-kaLsamaliL 

Mad river district, batawat 

Mad river crossing, takelawakui59 

Warren creek, derawa-weraya-yegani 

Vance creek, swaptil-halmvi-laliL, " ?-boat-creek" 

Lindsey creek, taboderus-datige-raliL, "wild potato- ?-creek" 



153 This name is identical with that of site 48, but judging from the meaning, 
' ' rocks-at, ' ' there might be more than one place with this name. 

in^ The Yurok equivalent lepLen was on a promontory, perhaps meaning a 
point of high land as at site 102, or perhaps a point of marsh as at site 108, see 
footnote 78. Two Yurok informants disagreed as to its position, one placing it 
on the South Spit and the other at the south end of the bay. 

155 The location was somewhat confused in the information given by the 
Yurok informants, but was definitely placed bv one Wivot at the breakwater, 
site 112. 

If"! Cf . with names of sites ak and AV. 

157 Below Scotia. 

158 Wisi, east or inland. 

159 Probably opposite site 7, which Tom Brown mentioned as a ferry. 



296 Univcrsit;/ of California Puhlicutions in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

Nortli fork, rulit 

Mad River slough, tabagaukwa 

Hiimboldt bay district, wiki 

Daniels slough, mipct 

Freshwater creek, kuniaidada 

Ryan slough, kaweLats 

Elk river, iksare 

Salmon creek, dakduwaka 

Eel river district, wiyot 

Van Duzeii river, haki-tege-raliLi'>'> 

Salt river, hoket 

Guthrie creek, lalitara 'dek 

Oil creek, datogak 

Bear river, tswaregadatsiL 

Mattole river, me'dol metol 

Among the misecllancou.s Wiyot names obtained by Kroeber and 
Waterman are the fiiHowiiiy;- : 

Redding Rock, tsugitsetswelage. This is a rock 94 feet in elevation and famous 
for its mussels, situated five miles offshore opposite Gold BlufE. 

Trinidad Head, kLonetsk. 

A marsh near site 67, hctscL. This is jirobably Bird island. 

Cape Mendocino, tsekiot. 

Bald Hills, between lower Redwood creek and the Klamath, talawulitskilik. 

A high mountain between Mad river and Redwood creek, j)robably Chaparral 
mountain, yerded 'hi."ii 

Bear River mountains, tsakiuwit. 

Dows Prairie, plet-alawakwaun, ' ' rock- ? ' ' 

Areata I'rairie, gudene, gudinin. 

Kneeland Prairie, gukets. 

A place near Singley ou Eel river, wuki,-akw. This corresponds with the name 
woxlok obtained by the writer for the trail over which the party of L. K. Wood 
was guiiled to Eel river. 

Table Bluff, raluaka. This corresponds with lalockfi, the trail along the ridge 
of Table Bluff. 

Some of the Yurok information regarding the south eml of the bay was con- 
fusing, ayo, "ferry,'' being given as the Yurok name of a village whose "Wiyot 
equivalent was variously given as haluwlL, "ferry," and tektuwit. The two 
names together would correspond to toktowoka-holowoL, the trail from site 90 to 
the top of Table Bluff. 

In the Journal of Amrricaii Folk-Lort . A. L. Kroebcri''^ mentions twutka- 
dalagerili as being on Eel river opposite Table Bluff. As the ending of the name 
seems to be the same as the ending of the names for tlie mouths of Lindsey and 
Hall creeks, tlie writer surnii.ses that this is the name for tlie mouth of McNulty 
slough or Slime other .slough of the vicinity. In the myth concerning this place 
men cndiaik in a boat and go across tlu> ocean to a place called shure, where a 
woman is olitaineil. After the nmrriage tlie coujile live at dapeletgek, Areata 
Bottom. 

"'" Cf. haki witli the name for Rohnerville ; and for tcQe-raliL see footnotes 
93 and 90. 

iin See footnote (i.l. 

1"- A. L. Kroeber, Wishosk Myths, op. cit., p. 105. 



1918] Loud: Etlmogeography and Arc)iaeology of the Wiyot Territory 297 

Yurok Names Obtained by Kroeber and Watcrnuni 

The Yurok called their southern neighbors speaking the Wiyot 
language the weyet or weyot. Such Yurok geographical names ob- 
tained by Kroeber and Waterman as occur within the limits of the 
accompanying map, plate 1, will here be given. 

Trinidad, tsurai 
Site 2, metskoius 

, neqeqwiei<>* 

Strawberry creek, poyura 

, pa'olus, "water fiiid"i«5 

Site 4, ma'aworise 

Site 5, sepola, " prairie "h^t 

Site A, tegwolies 

Site 7(?), osoqi69 

Mill Creek falls(?), lohLqoekonan, "rock has"!"" 

Site 9, erlerwi''! 

, nerqerq, wo'meni'2 

Lindsay creek (?), otegoisolege 'l, "they dig wild potatoes" 

, otegoiumerneri 

Blue Lake, oslegoi 
Site 23, teulipo'1'3 

, erterqeri'i 

Site 31, eni 'qoleL, "sand-dunes go over"i"5 



163 Had four houses and one sweat-house. See footnote 94. 

164 Location unknown, but to the south of Little river there is a cliff of blue 
clay filled with fossil mollusks and springs, the water of which accumulates in 
freshwater lagoons worthy of names. 

165 Possibly either the creek at site 3 or a freshwater lagoon. 

166 Had seven houses and one sweat-house. 

167 Described by different informants, both Yurok and Wiyot, as a place of 
unusual importance, being the seat of the Jumping dance. Located upstream 
from erlerw, but only about half a mile from the ocean. It must be site 5. It was 
said to have ten or fifteen houses and two sweat-houses. The writer regarded 
site 5 as an uninhabited archaeological site on top of the bluff just above site 4. 
It was used at times somewhat as we use picnic grounds, hence the "ten or 
fifteen houses" must be considered to comprise all the houses at site 4 together 
with any and all houses in the vicinity. 

168 Had three houses. 

169 Upstream from sepola ; had five houses and a sweat-house. 

170 The only description is that it was on Mad river about a mile from the 
mouth. The trail to the world of the dead was believed to begin here. The name 
meaning ' ' rock has ' ' would suggest Mill Creek falls. Site 8, a place of mytholog- 
ical interest, was either at the falls or not far away. 

171 The name was said to refer to an abundance of green grass, perhaps some 
food species. It was located about two miles upstream from tegwol and had 
twenty houses. We would hardly expect one village to have so many houses, hence 
we must conclude that the name was given to the district, comprising several 
villages in the vicinity of site 9. 

172 Two uninhabited places apparently on the nortli side of Mad river some- 
where below Liudsey creek. 

173 See footnote 150. 
i7-< See footnote 151. 
175 See footnote 152. 



298 Universiti/ of California PxiliHcations in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

, yotsoqegei, "boat portage"!'" 

, olog, "floats'" or "swamp'''"' 

Freslnvater, site am(?), hikets 
Site 07, olog, "floats" 

, qwo 'mo ' 

Site 79, oknuL, eknuL, ' ' clerp water ' ' 
Salmon creek moutli, lamiiL, "eel-pot" 
Site 90(?), a.vo, "ferry"i'8 

, lepLen, leplemi''J 

Site 112, pimiuiso 



ABORIGINAL POPULATION 

Expedition of McKcc, IfOl. — At the time of tlie gold excitement 
in California, the federal government had no satisfactory information 
regarding- the numbers, characteristics, and environment of the Indian 
population of the state, and in consequence Congress made a special 
appi'ojjriation for the jnirpose of obtaining the desired information. 
Threi' special commissioners were appointed, Colonel G. "W. Barbour, 
Dr. O. I\I. Wozencraft, and Colonel Rediek McKee, who had all 
arrived in California by January 8, 1851. 

In less than two months this commission made a majority report 
estimating, on the basis of information derived from such of the old 
settlers as had travelled extensively among the various tribes, that 
the Indian population of the state was between 200.000 and 300,000. 
But McKee sent in a miudrity report in which he said that from his 
information he "would greatly reduce the number" of Indians as 
estimated by the other commissioners. His opinion no doubt was 
influenced by the rugged, barren aspect of the coast as seen from 
aboard ship, and noting the altogether too frequent tendency of the 
Californiau to exaggerate, he decided to take the opposite extreme. 

In August, 1851, IVIcKee left Soiu)ma, heading an expedition which 
spent four months visiting the Indians of Clear lake. Eel river valley, 
Humlioldt bay, and Klamath, Salmon and Scott rivers. The party 
contained about forty men, of whom most were an escort of soldiers 
under Major II. W. Wessells, V. S. A. The entire scientific stafi' con- 
sisted of one person. Georgi' Gibbs, a practical topographical engineer 



i"« An undetermincil place uii.lerstooil to be a portage between the ocean ami 
Mad River slough. 

1" The most important place with this name was on Guuther island, but there 
was understood to be a second place with the same name on Mad River slough. 

I's See page 296. 

i7'j See footnote 154. 

i»o See footnote l.").!. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Arcliaeology of the Wiyot Territory 299 

who had previouslj- been attached to the Indian commission in Oregon, 
and who was acquainted with the Cliinook jargon which it was errone- 
ously supposed would be of service in communicating with California 
Indians. Gibbs mingled freely with the Indians, dividing his time 
between map making and language study, although hampered by lack 
of interpreters. 

Eedick McKee occupied himself with his duties as business man- 
ager of the expedition and in gathering knowledge concerning the 
Indians by conversing with the "gentlemen" of various callings found 
in the mining camps. John McKee acted as secretary. The several 
journals kept by members of this expedition and their notes and corre- 
spondence furnish us with some of our first information of the Wiyot 
as well as other tribes of northern California.^"*' 

It might be mentioned that the object of the expedition was to 
make an impression i;pon the "savage" by a display of pomp, by 
expending an enormous amount of money in the distribution of a few 
cheap presents, and by making treaties with promises of enough annui- 
ties to bankrupt the government. Tlie Alta California of July 10, 
1852, says: "The act creating three Indian Commissioners for Cali- 
fornia was passed during the session of 1849-50. . . . $30,000 was 
appropriated. ... At the session of 1850-51, $25,000 more was ap- 
propriated. . . . Thus upon a cash basis of $55,000, a debt of nearly 
$800,000 has been created ! ' ' 

McKee' s Estimate of Population. — McKee reports that "on this 
journey, as elsewhere in California, I have found the Indian popula- 
tion almost universally overrated as to numbers, and ■underrated as to 
intelligence and capacity for improvement. ... I make the actual 
number less than one-half (generally about two-fifths) of the number 
usually estimated by the settlers." He estimated the Indian popula- 
tion of the greater half of the drainage area of Eel river — "on the 
mountains and vallej's of Eel river, south, middle, and Vanduzen's 
forks, and about its mouth" — to be about five hundred, a most curious 
estimate indeed when we consider that the river is the fourth largest 
in California. He also placed the population of "Humboldt bay and 
north to Mad river" at three hundred. 

In order for us to put the correct value upon these figures it would 
be well to bear in mind tliat parties of white men had begun to over- 



i«' R. McKee, 33 Cong. spec. sess.. serial no. 088, lioc. 4, pp. 134-23.5; H. W. 
Wessells, 34 Cong. 3 .sess., serial no. 906, doc. 70, pp. .59-68; George Gibbs, Journal, 
vocabularies, etc., in H. R. Schoolcraft, In.lian Tribes, ill, 99-177, 428-455. 



300 Vnivcrsitii of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

run the country a few montliss previously and had already fired upon 
the Indians in several places, killing some, so that it was with f|:reat 
difficulty that ilcKee induced them to eonie into his camps. Hence 
it was that the preconceived ideas of McKee in regard to the number 
of Indians in California were confirmed. 

McKee made a few slalements indicating that he found the Indian 
population of northern California on the decline. He said: "For 
many years past the Indian pojiulation has been rapidly diminishing 
by di.sease.s introduciMl by the whites, intermd dissensions, and in scnne 
eases by want of food. At llumlioldt bay and at other places on the 
coast, where they de])end almost wholly on fish, crabs, etc., many 
sicken and die every winter." 

Estimates nf (lihbs and Wcssclls. — Probably most of tlie infornui- 
tiou on the Wiyot Indians was obtained during a five days' stay near 
the present site of Fortuna. Though only sixteen months had elapsed 
since the discovt'ry of Eel rivei-, thei'e were already about thirty set- 
tlers with seven or eight farms taken up. One of these settlers had 
nuu'ried a Wiyot wonum Init had not had time to acquire much of the 
language. However, he was of some service to Gibbs and accompanied 
him wherever he went wliile in Wiyot territory. 

Gilil.is made a two days' eaiioe li'i]i down the river to within two 
miles of the mouth, visiting the Indian villages, which "were very 
numerous, but consisting generally (if only two or three families," 
whose appearance was very wretched, niueh sickness prevailing every- 
where. "The principal diseases noticed," says Gibbs, "were sore eyes 
and blindness, eonsum]ition, and a species of leprosy; not however, 
the result of .syphilis, which has never been introduced. From their 
own accounts, their nundiers have been greatly thinned by a disease, 
from the description appearing to have been i/aslritis." In addition 
to other information it was learned that tlie triljes on tlie coast from 
Cape ilendoeino to Mad river and as far uj) Eel river as the mouth of 
Van Duzen river spoke substaiit ially the same language, though the 
dialect on the bay differed fi-om that on Eel river. The peo)de in 
this area were known by their neighbors as Wee-yot. The innnber 
of those on Eel river and Ihniilioldl bay was thought to fall slioi't of 
five hundred. 

('aptain II. W. Wessells says that tive days were eonsumeil in a 
fruitless endeavor to gather tln' Indians, numbering about threi> hun- 
dred on lower Eel I'iver, that a li-eaty might be nuule ; but the means 
of eommuineation |)roved so imperfect that nothing could be done. 



1918] Loud: Etiinogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 301 

The three accounts of McKee, Gibbs, and Wessells togetlier throw 
light on the condition of the Wiyot, but when it comes to an estimate 
of population, McKee comments upon the difficulty of forming an 
opinion. In all the accounts scarcely any mention is made of the 
Indians living on the ba.y or on Mad river and, judging by the route 
taken, the principal Indian settlements were probably not visited at 
all. Hence the estimates are decidedly too low. 

As a consignment of goods was landed at Trinidad, McKee made a 
side trip by going from Areata to that place, where he found fifty 
Indians whom he called the Kiri, their chief being Oq-qua. 

Estimate of Buchanan, 1853. — In February, 1852, Colonel R. C. 
Buchanan was sent to establish a military post on Humboldt bay. 
Eighteen months later he forwarded a mast excellent, four-page report 
on what he called the So-lot-luck Indians^^- living on Humboldt bay 
and on lower Eel and Mad rivers. Though the entire report contains 
much of ethnological value, we will quote but a little concerning the 
population, diseases, and probable ultimate extinction of the tribe. 

Their peculiar habits of life render them especially liable to scrofulous com- 
plaints, and accordingly it is a most common thing to see them greviously afflicted 
in this way. From the character of their food, the very general habit of continued 
intermarriage, and the miserable huts in which they dwell, it follows that they 
have much hereditary disease, and are consequently not long lived. The majority 
of those with whom I have met seem to be chiefly affected in their eyes, in very 
many instances having lost one; and I am informed by assistant Surgeon Dyerle, 
who has been over a large portion of California, that there are decidedly more 
severe cases of these scrofulous affections among them than among any others that 
he has seen. . . . The So-lot-lucls number about eight hundred souls, two-thirds 
of whom are women and children, and about two hundred and fifty warriors. . . . 

It would . . . seem unnecessary for me to favor the department with any 
reflections on the subject of our Indian relations, as such reflections would prob- 
ably be considered much more sound by myself than by any one who might read 
them. I will, therefore, content myself with the remark, that among these people, 
and all others of the Indian tribes of our country, the great laws of civilization 
and progress are surely developing themselves, and as a consequence a few years 
more will number them with the things that were. From their difference of habits 
and interests, engendering hostility among themselves, no general war with them 
need ever be apprehended ; and hence the steady encroachments of the white man, 
from every direction, will produce the certain, though perhaps gradual, result of 
their utter annihilation. 

Summary of Estimates. — Buchanan's estimate of 800 Wiyot in 
1853 is probably very near the correct number for that date, tliough 
that would not be at the time of their greatest prosperity. 



1S2 E. C. Buchanan, op. cit. (see footnote 21 of present paper), pp. 2.'?-26. 
According to A. L. Kroeber da-sulatclu is the Wiyot name of a non-Athapascan 
people of upper Mad river. See page 293. 



302 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 1-1 

Various epidemics, like smallpox, measles, and fevere, starting in 
the frontier sc-tlli'Hieiits of the wiiites, are known to have spread over 
the country in advance of the settlers themselves, "^^ one example 
being the epidemic of smallpox in 1781 sweeping fi-om the Missouri 
river to the Pacific. After the settlement of the Columbia river there 
were .several e])i(;lemies of measles and fevers. In 1838 an epidemic 
of smallpox originating in these settlements travelled south as far as 
San I'raneiseo bay, and General Vallejo thought that 70,000 Indians 
died in nortlifrn California from its effects.'^'' It is not positively 
known that any of tliese epidemics earlier than 1850 reached Hum- 
boldt l>ay, but at that date consumption was d(jing its deadly work 
and subseciuently has been the disease claiming most victims. Pioneers 
of the region speak of the largi' number of graves foiuid at various 
places as early as 1850. 

Venereal diseases, both syphilis and gonorrhoea, were introduced 
■ifter 1850, and though the Wiyot were probably as restrained as most 
peojiles. whi/n once tiiese diseases obtained a start they sin-ead with 
rai)idity because of the crowded conditions in which the Indians lived. 
It is claimed that gonorrhoea (juickly became well nigh universal 
among the Indians, who had no method of treating the disease: with 
tiie result that aftei- a inimber of years of constant drain u]ion their 
vitality great numbers died, especially when other atWictions super- 
vened. It also lowered the birth rate, so that at the present time there 
are liut few children among the Wiyot. 

Now as 450 Wiyot (constituting the entire stock, except for a few 
wlio wi-re intei-married with whites) were removed to the reservation 
in 1860, and as 8()() api)ears to be a conservative estimate for 1853 
after some deei'i'ase had taken )ilace, we might venture to put the 
AViyot iiopulatidii at 1000 previous to any white influence. These are 
likely to have been distributed about as follows: 250 on Mad river, 
350 on Humboldt bay, and 400 on Eel river. If asked to give au 
■exlreme figure i'or the nali\e popuhitidn residing within tlie limits of 
the Wiynt ten-it<iry at any ])ast time, tlie writer would say 1500, and 
consider an\' highei- figure ]iure folly. 

Votnparatirr ])( itsifn ii{ I'opuhiiioii. — lames ]\Iooney'^'' has esti- 



is.f James Muoiiey, Bur. Am. Ethn., Bull. 30, part 2, p. 28(3. 1910; John Dunn, 
of Hudson Bay Co., eight years resident of (•omi)any 's territories, The Oregon 
Territory and" the British North Amerieau Fur Trade (Philadelpliia, 1845), 
pp. 83-85. 

i»*The Works of Herbert Howe Bancroft (San Francisco, Bancroft Publish- 
ing Co., 188(5), XXI, 73-74. 

iss James Mooney, op. cit. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeogniphy and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 303 

mated the aboriginal population of the United States (3,025,000 
square miles exclusive of outlying possessions) before the arrival of 
whites at 846,000, which would make an average density of .28 per 
square mile. But California was much more densely populated, the 
estimates varjing from 705,000 as made bj^ Stephen Powers'*" to 
260,000 as made by C. Hart Merriam,"' and 150,000 as made by 
A. L. Kroeber.^*** No serious attention should be paid to the first 
estimate, although made by a man having a most unusuallj' compre- 
hensive knowledge of the California Indian. 

If the estimate made by Dr. Merriam be taken as a mean, although 
possiblj' it is too high, it would make a density of population of 1.64 
per square mile for a total area of 158,000 square miles of forest, 
desert, and mountain together with the fertile prairies, marshes, lakes, 
and bays. Thus it will be seen that at tliis estimate California had 
an Indian population proportionately eight times as heavy as the 
remainder of the United States. 

The "Wiyot held about 465 square miles of territory, including the 
24 square miles of Humboldt bay. If we set the population at 1000, 
this would make a density of 2.17 per square mile of land and water. 
Tliough the heavy redwood forest would furnish scarcely any food, 
either animal or vegetable, yet it is believed that there was a sufficient 
amount of prairie land, together with the unusually excellent fisheries, 
to enable the Wiyot area to support a population somewhat larger 
than the average throughout California, though perhaps not so large 
as at a few other of the more favorable locations in the state. 

If we compare the Humboldt bay region with the San Francisco 
bay region, we find that in the latter area the principal tree growth 
is of scattered oaks, which both furnish an abundant food and leave 
room for other .species of food plants. We should expect the fishing 
to be poorer at San Francisco bay, especially to a people not possessing 
boats. However, there is a considerable amount of fish bones in all 
the mounds, and the vegetable foods being more abundant, on tlie 
whole a larger population could be supported on San Francisco bay 
than on Humboldt ha.y. 

N. C. Nelson,'*" in his paper, Shellmounds of the San Francisco 



ise Stephen Powers, op. cit., p. 41G. 

187 C. Hart Merriam, Am. Aiitlir., n.s., vii, 594, 190.5. See also similar figures 
in San Francisco Bulletin, Mar. 21, 1860, quoting A. S. Taylor in California 
Parmer. 

188 A. L. Kroeber, Bur. Am. Ethn., Bull. 30, part 1, p. 190, 1905. 

1S9N. C. Nelson, Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Region, op. cit., 
p. 348. 



304 Viiivirsity of California Puhlicutions in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

Bail Hi !/ioii. makes a rough estimate of 12.000 as the possible aborig- 
inal population. Within the boundaries of the area shown on his 
map theri.' are l(i.'")0 si|uare miles of land and 4tJ() sipiare miles occupied 
by the waters of the bay,""' making a total of 2110 square miles. This 
would make ■')..')S people per s(piare mile of land and water. This 
appear.s as a rather laru'e estimate, but is not altogether unbelievable 
when we cnnsider that tlir Spaniards jilanted Uiur missions within the 
area mai)pe(l, hcsiilcs one just bej'ond its boundaries, or five out of 
the twenty-onr in ail California. The mi.ssion records and early 
historical accumits need to be reviewed in tlie light of recent investi- 
gations in ai-eiiaeology and etbnology, but until this is done we can 
perliaps do no better than to aceejit the figures given above. 

l'i)j)iiliil ii)n jiir Linitir Mile of tilraima. — The ])o]iulation of dirt'er- 
ent. parts of llie wurld aiv nsually comijared by noting the density 
])er s(|uare mile. This may be a correct mi-thod of ennipai'ing nations 
wiio (li'aw their sustenance chielly from the land, hut it may leail to 
error when coiiijtaring ])i'0])les who are sustainetl largely by fisheries. 

In the latter case a more con t com])ai'i.sou might be ma<le by 

noting the number of | |)le per linear mile of sea coast where 

they derive their food from the ocean, or per lini'ar mili' of fishalile 
streams. 

'i'he Wiyot hail 4n miles of oeean co;ist, of whii'h only ■'' miles iieai' 
Had rix'cr and li or S miles of rocky anil gravelly coast south of Kel 
river would be of iiiueh v.ilue as a snui-i-e of food supply, the I'cmain- 
der 111' the coast being saiiily and not adapted for the best of fishing. 
Iliiniliolilt bay has an area of _'4 sipiare nnle.s. of which 1 L' sipiai'i' miles 
are iiuid Hals at extreme low tide. The cii'cunirerencc of the bay is 
about 40 miles, and it has almut oO miles ol' deep and n.iri-ow clianni'ls 
reachim;- to its extremities. These chaiiiiels could be used in trawling 
for salmon at the time of the semiannual runs. The tide extends up 
Eureka slough and Freshwater creek 5 nules, up Elk river 2i:{ miles, 
and up Salmon creek :}•'' i miles. These stretches of salt and brackish 
water, toilet her with a few of the iruiin slou.uhs, would make a total 
of 110 miles of streams eiuptyint;- into Humboldt bay navigable for 
canoes, and this without counting the multiplicity of iinnor sloughs, 
w4iich, sliould thiy all be counted, would pi'obably make an adtlitional 



1"" ITiiiv. Calif. I'iiIjI. /ooI., .\iv, LMI, 1!I14, Kivins tlic .-uca iil' S;ui Francisco 
bay as 287. 7 sipiarc miles an'l San I'.ililn li:iy as 112. .'^ square miles. To ttiis wa 
have aiMcil lia square miles for the area of Siiisuii bay, Carqiiiiie/. straits, and 
several of tiic larj^er estuaries. Of tliis total of Hid sijiiare miles .■ilioiit 70 square 
miles woiilil be mail flats at low tiile. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeolog;) of the Wiyot Territory 305 

30 miles of navigable channels. Eel river also has about 30 miles 
of sloughs, counting only the main channels. Adding together, we 
have : 

10 miles of ocean coast suitable for fishing 

30 miles of channels in Humboldt bay 

30 miles of larger sloughs on Humboldt bay 

30 miles of larger sloughs on Eel river 

100 miles of salt and brackish channels 

To the above should be added the number of miles of freshwater 
streams up which salmon could ascend. Unfortunately, this figure 
cannot be given with exactness, because the location of falls on many 
of the streams is not known. However, counting 12 miles of Mad river 
and 5 miles of Eel river as not affected by tides, there should be 
between 50 and 80 miles of fresh water streams up which .salmon 
could ascend. This makes all told from 150 to ISO miles of streams 
and channels for fishing. With the "Wiyot population in the neigh- 
borhood of 1000, we should then have a population of 5 to 7 per linear 
mile of fishing streams. 



EELATION OP INDIANS TO WHITES 

It can be said for the Humboldt baj' region that on the whole the 
relations between the Indians and whites in early days were here as 
harmonious as elsewhere in the Pacific states, which, however, is not 
saying a great deal, because some of the contacts were such that the 
present inhabitants are thoroughly ashamed of them. 

To a member of the present generation, learning only a few 
isolated facts of the early history, it may seem that Humboldt county 
is preeminently disgraced by a blot of greater foulness than was ever 
attached to any other locality. But it is unfair to take a partial view 
of a few isolated facts and then sit in hasty judgment. As we increase 
our fund of knowledge concerning a certain period of time or a cer- 
tain set of circumstances, our sympathies .should be broadened. Even 
in the worst of criminal cases, extenuating circumstances are often 
found. We would make a grievous mistake by considering an isolated 
act in a past age apart from the environment of that age. So long 
as there is any degree of injustice in tiiis present generation for 
which we by our toleration are more or less responsible, we have no 
right to judge too harshly a preceding generation. 



,'iO() Vnivcrsihi cf Ciilifuniia ruhlications in Am. Arvli. and Eihn. [Vol.14 

CHARACTER OP THE SETTLERS 

It is a fact that ever siiicr the Atlantic seaboard was first settled, 
especially since the tii'st wave of western migration l)roko through 
the ])asses nf tin' A]>palachian mountains, there have been elements 
of anarchy ujjon uui- frontier. The frontier has always hail a noble, 
vigorous, intelligent, hardy, pioneer population, but at the same time 
it has had an ignoble, mean, shiftless, ignorant, vicious, and treach- 
erous cli-ment of bruti's, who boasted that they were white men and 
went ai'iiied to the teeth with rifle, ]tistol, and l)()wie-knife ready to 
back up their assertions. This class upon all our frontiei's has been 
a prolific cause of many of our Indian troubles. They lorded it over 
the Indian and rode i-oughsliod ovei- all Ids rights; tliey ap|)ro])i-iated 
or outraged his women; and they shot him down if he raised the 
slightest ofijection. Some Indian tribes had vigor (»nough to resent 
such mistrcatmi'nt and take rcvrngc. In su('h cases iiiiioceiit whiti'S 
ofti'ii suffered srveri'l.v for flirir inability to control the vicious cli'ment 
of thi'ir own racf. 

In the settleuiiMit of California and the othci' Pacific states we had 
the same conditions as on olln-r fi'ontiers, only multiplied many fold. 
Most of the easti'i'u states were settled by a gradual movement which 
allowed the Indians time to adapt themselves to changed conditions. 
The Pacific states in general, and f'alifornia in ]iar1ieu]ar, which it 
is asserted was at one lime aliout eight limes as densely |)opulated by 
Indians as the remainder of the United States,'"' were setth'd with a 
rush on the discovery of gold in 1848. At that date there were many 
thousands of Indians in northern California who had never seen nor, 
perhaps, even heai'd of white men. 

In the stream of iiiniiigrat ion every n;dionality and every extreme 
of class and character were i-epresented — the best and the worst from 
every clime. The energetic, enter|)rising, intelligent, forceful per- 
s<inality here found an arena for action. Thither also came the ne'er- 
do-well, the loafer, the debtor, the defaulter, the ei-iminal. the e.x- 
con\'ict, to eseajte the eonsei|Uences of their misdeeds elsewhere and 
to acipni-e wealth, as they tlionglil, williout eft'ort. There wi're college 
men and |)rofessional men in abun(hinee; there were the s|ioiled sons 
of wealth and nobility. ( Mi the one hand there were the etlucated, the 
refined hothouse jirodiK'fs of older civilizations, the virtuous who had 
come fi'om sle'ltercd comnnniities where it was easv to lie good, aiul 



i;ii See disi-iissioii iiiidc]- lirailiiij;- .\lMiiigiiiaI I'lipiilatioii. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of thi Wiyot Territory 307 

on the other hand the illiterate froutiersman, the coarse, the brutal, 
and the professional scoundrel. In fact, during the early mining days 
in California, there were gatliered together some of the wildest, most 
reckless, savage, and dangerous men ever collected in a similar area 
anywhere in the world. As Bancroft says:^"^ "Human nature turned 
loose into an unfenced field cuts queer capers. ... It was a paradise 
for wild men." 

Most of the crime took the form of murder or assault with deadly 
weapons, there being wholesale violence and murder in many of 
the mining camps, and for this there was little or no punishment be- 
cause every man, going about constantly ai-med, was considered fully 
capable of self defense. The murderer making the plea of self defense 
stood a good eliauce with any jury unless "Judge Lynch" presided 
over the trial. Helper's"^ Land of Gold estimates in 1854 that since 
the opening of the mines, California had "invested upwards of six 
millions of dollars in bowie-knives and pistols," and he finds for the 
same period 4,200 murders aud 1,400 suicides, besides 10,000 more 
miserable deatlis. 

In seeking a cause for such a state of society as existed, we must 
bear in mind that the Argonaut came with hopes raised to the skies, 
unmindful of the economic laws of supplj- and demand which would 
make it imperative that a dollar's worth of labor must be performed, 
on the average, in order to obtain a dollar's worth of gold, lest it 
become as cheap as the more abundant metals. According to Ban- 
croft,^"* the production of gold in California during the nine years 
from 1848 to 1856 was $456,000,000, which would be about what the 
whole world had produced during the forty years preceding that time. 
Thus excitement was kept up and wealth was made b.y those whom 
fortune favored, but multitudes were doomed to disappointment, since 
on the whole the gold taken out cost about three times its value. It 
has been estimated^'-'* that in 1852 there were 100,000 men actually 
engaged in mining or prospecting, and that the gold production for 
that year averaged .$600 per man. Taking into account the good 
fortune of a few, this means that the majority would get one dollar a 
day or less, which would be quite inadequate for the bare necessities 
of life at the prices prevailing when almost all goods were carried 
around Cape Horn. , 



182 H. H. Bancroft, o}). cit., xxxv, 248, 253, 1888. 

laaH. R. Helper, Land of Gold: Eeality Versus Fiction (Baltimore, Md.), 
p. 158, 1855. 

104 H. H. Bancroft, op. cit., xxiil, 423, 1888. 



308 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

Great immlicrs out of cinijloyiin'iit, stranded without a "grub- 
stake" to start for themselves, hung arouud the chief mining camps 
waiting for a change of fortune or for any excitement that might turn 
up. Some rallied again and again and sought new diggings, others 
went into a cataleptic state, a living death. Hardships were great; the 
death rate was high, thousands dying of privation; there was no 
cheering presence of women'''" when hope was gone; the percentage 
of insanity"" was higiier than elsewhere in the world; multitudes 
sought suicide; what wonder then tliat some became desperadoes? 

CHARACTER OF HOSTILITIES 

Alongside of such a society, the Indians' chances in the struggle 

for existi'nce were decidedly iinfavoralile and they rapidly decreased 

ill iiuiiil)ers throughout the state. The California Indian has almost 

universall.v been characterized by every writer of unprejudiced mind 

as being th(» most docile and harndess of creatures. He made but little 

I'csistance, yet was fi'e(|uent]y killed for the most trivial of causes. 

As a newspaper editorial of the mining days states:''" 

A horse is stolen or lost — a traveler disappears or is foimil slain by the road- 
siile; the Indians are at once ac-inised as the robbers or murderers. E.xeeution 
follows (|uii'kly upon susiMcioH, No proofs are souglit for, no trial is dreamed 
of. Tlierc are certain rude and turbulent cliaraeters, among all frontier popu- 
lations, who deliglit in violence; to sucdi men the hasty foray upon an Indian 
camp, and the merciless slaughter (jf its innnites, afford unspeakable pleasure. 

In most cases where an Indian oi- even a dozen were killed, there 
wei'e no serious conse(|uenees ill the way of I'evenge, as was the case 
with more vigorous tribes in other jiarts of the United States. In the 
matti'r of revenge tlie following comments by the Nrw York Times 
are of interest :'•''' 

Tlie country is perfectly wild ... rind, with the well known injustice of the 
miner towards anything of tlii' gi-nus linlian uv Chinaman, and tlieir foolhardiness, 
they will get up a series of little aniusemcnts in the way of pistoling ami scalping, 



I'J'' For .some years after tlie discovery of gold several of the mining counties 
had less than two per cent females in tlie white population; in 18.")3 Trinity county 
(comprising all the present area of Trinity county and in addition that part of 
Ilunibiddt county lying south of a line j)assing through the mouth of Mad river), 
liad 2:^ females in a white pojiulatioii of l,7(i4. See apjiendi.x to IT. S. Census of 
18.^0, jiage fHiO. 

1"!' In 18.j8 a legisl.'itive coimnitli'c a]ipointed to examine the Stockton Insane 
Asylum reported through Dr. A. W. Tali:iferro: "We believe the causes of it 
operate more stronglv here than in anv other portion of the world." See San 
Francisco Bulletin, Feb. 22, \Hr,S. 

i»7 San Francisco Bulletin, Dec. 14, IS.".!). 

ins New York Tinics, .lulv or August, 18.'i8, copied bv San Francisco Bulletin, 
May 9, 18.19. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 309 

quite edifying. It is the custom of miners generally to shoot au Indian as he 
would a dog; and it is considered a very good joke to shoot at one at long shot, 
to see him jump as the fatal bullet pierces his heart. And when, in the spirit 
of retaliation, some poor hunted relative watches his opportunity, and attacks a 
straggling white man, the papers at once teem with long accounts of Indian 
outrages. 

Not only was there the occasional killing of small numbers 
of Indians, but between 1850 and 1873 a considerable number of 
slaugliters, either by state troops or by unauthorized "volunteer com- 
panies," occurred on such a scale as to be dignified by the term of 
"Indian wars." In 1854 Congress passed an act"** appropriating 
$924,259.65 to reimburse the State of California for the alleged "ex- 
pense incurred and now actually paid, by the State of California, in 
the suppression of Indian hostilities within the said State, prior to" 
January 1, 1854. Again in 1861 another act-"" appropriated $400,000 
to quiet the claims for nine "Indian wars" conducted in California 
during the years 1854 to 1859. One or two examples will illustrate 
the character of these wars. In 1859, in the vicinity of Round Valley 
reservation, seventy miles southeast of Humboldt bay, a campaign 
was conducted under the command of W. S. Jarboe from whose report 
to the governor we take the following extract :-°^ 

On the 16th day of September, in Eden valley, I mustered into the service 
of the State of California twenty men possessing the requisite qualitieations, 
mounted on horseback, and armed with rifles and pistols. Up to that time the 
Indians had killed nineteen settleis and about six hundred head of stock . . . and 
were daily committing their depredations. . . . On the night of the 20th Septem- 
ber, they came to Eden Valley and drove off some cattle; I followed and fought 
them with a detachment of ten men; and from the same date to the 24th of 
January, I fought them twenty-three times, killed 283 warriors, the number of 
wounded was not known, took 292 prisoners, sent them to the Reservation. In 
the several engagements, I had four men severely wounded, as well as myself. 

The figures here given of the number of Indians killed and cap- 
tured are only for that period of time when the company was acting 
under the authority of the state. For a much longer time previously, 
parties of armed men were engaged in attacking Indians camps, and 



io» U. S. Statutes, X, 33 Cnng. 1 sess., chap. 267, approved Aug. 5, 18.")4. The 
total expense of these wars previous to 1854 was claimed to be $1,194,000, b\it in 
1860 the governor showed that the real expense was not much over $100,000. See 
San Francisco Bulletin, Feb. 24, 1860. 

200 xj. s. Statutes xn, 36 Cong. 2 sess., chap. 71, approved Mar. 2, 1861. See 
also chap. 70 for an appropriation of a like sum for wars of a similar nature in 
Oregon and Washington. 

201 Letter of W. S. Jarboe to the governor, submitte<l by him to the legislature 
on Feb. 21, 1860. An extract was published in the San Francisco Bulletin, Feb. 
24. 18()0. The original, if published by the legislature, was not located by the 
writer. 



310 UiiivcrsHii of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol.14 

it was only when they had proven tlicmselves to be "men possessing 

llie i-fMpiisite (|ualifieatinns" that they got tlieir commission, or it 

niigiit better be called license, from the state. A newspaper of the 

time comments on tiiis report of Jarboe as follows :'-"- 

Ho fouglit till' liiili.-ins 2:5 times! Deliberate, eowardly, brutal massacre of 
defenceless men, women and cliililren he calls fghting! He killed nearly 300 of 
these poor people. The pretext upon wliich these butcheries were perpetrated is 
that 19 settlers had been killed and 600 head of stock stolen. Now, we have the 
testimony of Major Johnson^os and Lieut. Dillon^oi that not one white settler 
had lost his life in tliat region at the hands of Indians during the past year — • 
except a person wlio was killed in revenge for outraging an Indian woman. In 
fact, all these tales of Indian hostilities, when sifted, are proved to be arrant 

fabrications larlioe reports the total expense of his expeditions at $11,143 — 

which is the smallest amount of blood-money we ever heard demanded in propor- 
tion to the murders committed. In the slaughter of this hecatomb of victims, it 
is said that five of the butchers were scvcrclii wounded, one of whom was Jarboe 
himself. He lias liern in Sacramento nearly all winter, and his wounds have 
never before been heard of. 

A similar war of extermination against the Pit River Indians took 
{)!aee in IS,")!), Here, where the Indians liatl the reputation of being 
tile most "courageous, ferocious, resourceful '" savages of California, 
about 200 wei'e killiMl of all ages and sexes and 1-00 taken prisoners. 
The loss to the American side was: "killed none, wounded 2," which 
in itself shows the desperate charaeter of the fighting, especially when 
we arc told tliat the wounded would r<'cover.-"'' 

Besides the campaigns authorized by the state, volunteer com- 
panies were fre(piently raised for the jnirjiose of making a sally on 
some Indian village. Then, if more serious troubles arose, a town 
would have a mass mi-eting and raise a comiiany to be kept in the 
field sometimis for months, supported either l)y private subscrii)tion 
or by a special tax, always with the liope that the state would event- 
ually muster the com])any into its service and reimburse for the 
outla\'. A comuioii ]U'aetice of these companii's was to make a day- 
bri'ak attack <]u some Indian rancheria and kill all its inmates without 
I'egard to age or sex, unless i)er'chance they spared (uie or two of the 
younger fenudes of ])leasing ai)i)earance to take along with tliem. 

Often a few men followed these companies for the special purpose 
of taking possession of young women or children whose yiarents were 



=u:Sau Francisco Bulletin, Feb. 24, ISfiO. 

203 Mai. Edward Jolinsnn, U. S. A., Letter of Aug. 21, 18.'i9, to Maj. W. W. 
Mackall, U. S. A., publishi'd in San Francisco Bulletin, Jan. 30, 18(30. 

^n-* Lieut. Edward Dillon, U. S. A., Report of Jan. 27, 18()0, published iu Calif. 
Ass. Jour., 11 sess., p. 302. 

^u'i San Francisco Bulletin, Jan. 28, ISiiO. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Arclmeology of the Wiyot Territory 311 

slain, and selling them in the centers of population either for immoral 
purposes or as servants. There was a state law which contributed 
much to the success of this enterprise. According to this law Indians 
could be made apprentices or indentured to citizens for terms of ten 
to fifteen j-ears. It maj' or may not have been intended for the good 
of the Indians to teach them the arts of civilization, but in practice it 
encouraged the kidnapping-"'' and sanctioned virtual slaver.y for the 
young and able-bodied, while tlie old and worn-out were left to shift 
for themselves. 

An illuminating newspaper'"" article on kidnapping in the Mattole 
valley, which is about thirty miles south of the mouth of Eel river, 
shows some of the caus^es contributing toward Indian troubles : 

The region is filled at this season with American hunters, . . . many of the 
hunters were . . . carrying on a traffic in which they had previously been engaged, 
to wit: kidnapping Digger children and selling them in different parts of the 
country. A great many Indians have thus been shot down in cold blood by these 
white savages, and the inhuman practice of kidnapping is now going on with 
the steadiness of a regular system. . . . 

Hundreds of lawless white men [tliroughout northern California] . . . pitch 
their camps from place to place through the mountains, and make their money 
partly by hunting, partlj' by stealing cattle and laying it to the Indians, and 
partly by the system of kidnapping above alluded to. 

Humboldt county had its full share of hunters, cattle thieves, 
and kidnappers, and several campaigns, similar in nature to the 
examples^"* given, were conducted in the Bald Hills during the years 
from 1858 to 1864. These led to the undoing of the Wiyot Indians, 
but before we proceed to show how tliis result came about, it will be 
well to say a few words about the reservation system of northern 
California. 

RESEKVATION SYSTEM 

As if California did not have enougli troubles of her own, she was 
in addition burdened with the appointees of the federal government, 
whose chief, if not only qnalification for office was that they were good 



SOB E. A. Stevenson, agent Nome Laekee Reservation. Report July 31, 1856, 
34 Cong. 3 sess., serial no. 893, doe. 1, p. 802; J. W. Denver, com'r Ind. aff.. 
Report, Nov. 30, 1957, 35 Cong. 1 sess., serial no. 919, doc. 11, p. 298; G. M. Han- 
son, supt. Ind. Aff. N. Cal., Report, Julv 15, 1861, 37 Cong. 2 sess., serial no. 1117. 
doc. 1, pp. 757, 759; G. M. Hanson, Report, Dee. 31, 1861, 37 Cong. 3 sess., serial 
no. 1157, doe. 1, p. 459. 

20' San Francisco Bulletin, July 23, 1857, copying Sacramento Bee. 

20SH. H. Bancroft, op. cit., xxrv, 477, 1890, says that California "cannot 
grace her annals with a single Indian war bordering on respectability. It can 
boast, however, a hundred or two of as brutal butcherings, on the part of our 
honest miners and brave pioneers, as any area of equal extent in our republic. ' ' 



312 University of California Publicatiuns in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

campaigners at flection time. To summarize as briefly as possible the 
conditions in northwestern California, there were five reservations 
established previous to 1860. Scott River reservation, founded in 
1851 about eighty- miles northeast of Humboldt bay, was abandoned 
in a year or two. Klamath Kiver reservation, forty miles north of 
the bay, was perhaps as well managed as any in the state, or perhaps 
misconduct on the part of the agents was not so easily noticed, there 
being plenty of food in the river to which the Indians could help 
themselves. Three other reservations, Mendocino Coast, Round Val- 
ley, and Nciiue Laekee were estalilished to the south and southeast at 
distances varying fi'om seventy to ninety miles from llmnboldt bay. 

Jlore or less futile attempts were made to gather the Indians onto 
tlii'si' reservations. Most of them found the kind of "civilization" 
introduced liy thi' reservations an uneiidural>le one. Hence they were 
continually ruiuiing oft' and rrturniiig tn thrir old homes at every 
oi)portunitj-. 

In tile first phice, the reservations were little Ix-tti'r than ])est- 
houses, as a few (juotatious will show. A nevvspajx'r of 1856 says:-"' 

Some of tlie agents, and uearl^v all of the employees, we are informeil, on one 
of these reservations at least, are daily and nightly engaged in kidnapping the 
younger portion of the females, for the vilest of purposes. The wives and 
daughters of the dofeuceless Diggers are prostituted before tlie ver\' eyes of their 
husbands and fathers, by these civilized monsters, and tliry dare not resent tlie 
insult, or even complain of the hideous outrage. 

It is not at all essential to know to which cif the reservations the 
above refers, since all reservations were very much alike. The pro- 
gressive result of such condnet is shown by a report of a military 
officer-'" in 1859, who has this to say abcmt Rmind X'alley reservation: 

A war of extermination is lieing vigorously waged liy the citizens of Eound 
and Eden valleys and a company of men, under one Jarboe, from Russian river, 
against the Indians who inhabit the country adjacent. . . . Col. Heidey [ex-superin- 
tendent of Indian Affairs in California] approved of their course, and defends 
the acts of Jarboe and party. . . . We believe it to be the settled determination 
of many of the inhabitants to exterminate the Indians; and I see no way of 
preventing it. I have endeavored to collect them on the Eeservation, and several 
hundred are now tliere — but they iloubtless have a great aversion to coming in, 
doubtless owing in a great measure to the mortality at this time prevailing among 
them; some eight or ten i>er day having died, some days previous to my leaving the 
valley. This mortality is attributed to a change of diet, .scarcity of food, and 
the great prevalence of syphilitic diseases among them. 



-""San Francisco Bulletin. Sejit. ^?>, 18.3li, quoting the Califcjrnia American. 
-1" Maj. Edward .Tohnson, o/i. cit. 



1918] Loud: Etknogcography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 313 

lu 1861 Round Valle}- is reported to have perhaps fiftj- white men 
but only three white women.^" No self respeeting- Indian though a 
"savage" cared for such society as his wife and daughters were com- 
pelled to associate with. 

In the second place, the Indian found difficulty enough in provid- 
ing food under changed conditions for himself and family, without 
contributing his time to help support a system from which he derived 
but little benefit. During the two or three years of their existence 
previous to June 30, 1858, the three reservations, Mendocino Coast, 
Round Vallej-, and Nome Laekee dissipated a total of over $250,000, 
about two-fifths going direct as salaries to the agents and the numer- 
ous white employees, while most of the remaining three-fifths went 
through various indirect channels to the same goal.-'- Here are 
some of the processes by which public property changed to private 
property : 

Cattle. — In founding the reservations, wliieli are at first not surveyed, the 
agents bring some "civilized Indians" to help control "wild Indians" and 
show them how to work. Cattle are brought in at the same time at public 
expense. The agents, government employees, and tlieir friends next take up 
claims in their own names alongside, or even within the limits of the reservation, 
designating them as "overflow and swamp lands" and thus acquiring in some 
cases one thousand acres to a claim.213 For some unaccountable reason the 
cattle feed upon tlie publicly owned reservation during the time that they are 
being counted for the annual report but at all other times they feed upon the 
privately owned ' ' overflow and swamp lands ' ' and are considered as privately 
owned animals. In one case where tlie Indians are reduced to starvation and help 
themselves to a few of these cattle, the agent and government employees charged 
with the duty of protecting the Indians decide that an example must be made, 
and so shoot fourteen in one day ,21* and then find it convenient to discover in the 
nick of time that they had formed a conspiracy to murder all the ' ' settlers ' ' in 
the valley. 

Crops. — At the time of greatest prosperity these three reservations report some 
2,000 acres under cultivation producing 27,000 bushels of grain, potatoes, etc. 



211 G. M. Hanson, Report of July 1.5, 18C1, op. cit., p. 758. 

212 Eound Valley reservation from the time of foundation in 1856 to July 1, 
1858, expended $34,000. The first white "settlers" entered the valley at the time 
the reservation was founded and in less than two years' time, while drawing 
salaries from the government, their improvements upon "their own land" were 
valued at $25,000 to $30,000. See Report of Agent S. P. Storms dated Aug. 14, 
1838, 35 Cong. 2 sess., serial no. 974, doc. 1, pp. 658-59. Mendocino reservation 
for the year ending June 30, 1858, expended $50,858 and Nome Lackce for the 
same year about the same amount or from the time of foundation in 1855 to 1858 
a total of about $125,000. See Report of Special Agent G. Bailey dated Nov. 4, 
1858, 35 Cong. 2 sess., serial no. 974, doc. 1, pp. 650-53. H. H. Bancroft, Works, 
XXIV, 942, 1890. savs that the reservations of California, presumably during the 
years 1853 to 1858,' had expended a total of $1,170,000. 

=13 G. M. Hanson, Report of July 15, 1861, op. eit., p. 758. 

214 Tehama Gazette, Dec. 4, 1858, copied bv San Francisco Bulletin, Dec. 8, 
1858. 



31-i Viiivcrsiti/ of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

Rations are issued to tlie white overseers ainl to such of the Indians as are 
actually engaged in work upon the reservations. The number of Indians upon 
these reservations is reported to be some five or six thousands, with others in the 
vicinity making the reservations their headquarters; but whenever a visitor comes, 
all but a few hundred happen to be at the time out on the hills gathering stores 
of acorns, seeds, and berries. Needless to say, the crops are put to a good use 
by those for whose especial benefit they are raised. In case of a failure in the 
crop, or destruction by settlers' cattle, "the cheapest and best feed that could 
be got would be shorts"-'^ (that is, wlicat bran fit only for cattle feed) brought 
over the mountains from the Sacramento valley. 

I ntpriircmcnts. — As government funds become available, they are expended 
in the building of cattle corrals, barns, hog-sheds, store-houses, dams, aqueducts, 
grist-mills, and otlier imprdvcuiciits. A few years later, when the reservation is 
surveyed, most of these improvements as well as the growing crops and the cattle, 
are found to be outside the limits of the reservation upon lands acquired by the 
"settlers" as overflow and swamp lands, under school warrants anil in other 
ways. Then it is that either the whole reservation is abandoned by the govern- 
ment or that the "settlers" are bought out for what the settlers think the 
improvements are worth. 

Tlie rc'St'i'vatiiiii systi'iu in (.'alifoniia was at its worst duriiiif tlie 
adiniiiistratidii of T. J. Henley (July 'Jfi, lS5-i, to June 3. 1859) and 
for some years followiiij;' his term of oftiee. ]\Iismauag'emeut w\is soon 
apparent,-^'' tliou.siii it rtMiuii'ed iiivi-stig-atioiis \)y several special agents 
before he was ousted, while some of the worst of his appointees 
eontiiim-d in oftiee until tln' sinnnuT of 1861. The following (piota- 
tions taken from the reports of J. R. Browne,-'" special agent of 
the Treasury Department, show to what extremes the government 
appointees would go. Sjieaking first of Nome Lackee reservation, 
Browne says : 

Most of the Indians have left it. and now . . . there are not more than iifty to 
be seen within several miles of headiiuarters. No evidence of the results of 
attention, labor or the expenditure of public money is an}^vhere manifest. When 
it is considered that forty-five or fifty tliousand dollars have been expended on 
this reservation during tlie past year . . . the result is very discouraging. . . . 

The condition of affairs at Nome Cult [Round Valley] is even more discour- 
aging than at Nome Lackee. The former employes, some of whom reside within 
the limits of the Indian farms, on claims purchased by them while in public 
employ, refuse to remove, and defy the new overseer to dispossess them. Insub- 
ordination amongst the Indians is instigated, the fences are broken down, the 
cattle and hogs driven in on the crops, and all authority put at defi.-mce. The 



215 G. M. Hanson, Report of Oct. 10, 1862, 37 Cong. 3 sess., serial no. 11.57, 
doc. 1, p. 4.50. 

210 San Francisco Bulletin, Sept. 13, IS.'iC, and various other newspapers of 
the state at that time. 

-'17 J. R. Browne, reports dated Sept. 19 and Oct. 18, 18.")9, 36 Cong. 1 sess., 
seriiil no. 1033, doc. 46. pp. 14-16, 18-20. For other descriptions of the reserva- 
tion svstem in California see ,T. R. Browne, in Harper's Magazine, Aug., 1861, 
reprinted in W. W. Beach, Iii.liaii Miscellany (Albany, J. Munsell, 1877), pp. 
303-322. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiijot Tcrritorii 315 

official notices issued by the superintendent . . . are treated with couteni])t and 
derision. Nothing sliort of military force can restrain the settlers from these 
outrages. . . . 

Many Indians have been killed by private companies during the past winter 
and spring, and a man named Jarboe now holds a commission from the governor 
of the State, in virtue of which he has raised a company, and has been engaged 
for some months past in a cruel and relentless pursuit of the Indians in this 
vicinity, slaughtering . . . without regard to age or sex. I would earnestly im- 
press upon the department the miserable and forlorn condition of the Indians of 
this State. In the history of Indian races I have seen nothing so cruel and 
relentless as the treatment of these unhappy people by the authorities coustituted 
by law for their protection. Instead of receiving aid and succor, they have been 
starved and driven away from the reservations, and then followed into their 
remote hiding places, where they sought to die in peace, and cruelly slaughtered, 
till but a few are left, and that few without hope. . . . 

The debts of tlie past year are so complicated with private accounts, that I am 
utterly at a loss to say what bills ought to be paid, and what rejected. ... I would 
also call your attention to the fact that the expenses of the service, as now con- 
ducted, are considerably in excess of the appropriation. . . . Another confused 
state of affairs will be the result, and a call will be necessary for a deficiency 
appropriation amounting probably to $50,000. . . . 

In April, 1858, I forwarded charges of fraud and malfeasance against the late 
superintendent, T. J. Henley, and transmitted additional charges and proofs by 
nearly every succeeding mail during that year. . . . Nevertheless, Mr. Henly con- 
tinued to act in his capacity of superintendent up to June 3, 1859, fourteen 
months after the original charges were preferred, and nearly a year after they 
were proved. The agents, sub-agents, and employes, whose testimony presented 
the best evidence of their unfitness for the trusts reposed in them, continued to 
act in their respective capacities, and no change took place except a limitation 
of the number of employes on the 31st of December, 1858. No remittance to pay 
the current expenses of the reservations, or the wages of the discharged employes, 
was received from May, 1858, till August, 1859, during which period there appears 
to have been no check upon the expenditures beyond the discretion of the late 
superintendent and the agents, and the power of final approval vested in the 
department. The great evUs experienced from this condition of affairs were: 
the enhanced price of articles purchased on credit . . . ; the discontent of the dis- 
charged employes, who had acquired some influence over the Indians ; and the 
popular clamor throughout the State against what was regarded as unreasonable 
and unjustifiable neglect of the public interests. 

Notivithstanding the reduced number of employes since December .SI, 1851, 
the agents and sub-agents have encumbered the service with debts, of which they 
are either unable or unwUling to render a correct account. . . . They have kept 
running accounts at stores, and no books or accounts to show the articles pur- 
chased or the prices agreed upon ; . . . they have suffered the reservations to fall 
into a state of neglect and decay wholly at variance with the published reports 
of their prosperity. The property returns and abstracts of issues show that the 
amount of property accounted for is but a fraction of that which should be on 
hand. . . . No adequate return of the large bands of cattle, for which vouchers have 
been transmitted, has been made; and the agents and sub-agents have failed 
to show what became of them. The independent treasury act has been violated, 
...in the transmission of fraudulent vouchers; ... The reservations have been 
diverted from their legitimate purpose, and in some cases tlio Indians have been 



316 ZJniversit!/ of Calif (irnia Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

slaughtered iu consequence of alleged depredations upon private property belong- 
ing to officers of the superintendency. ... I am confident that nothing can be done 
by the new superintendent, under such a complication of affairs, to promote the 
welfare of the Indians. Either an entirely new regime must be established, or 
he will be hopelessly involved in trouble, and compelled ... to resign. 

By his original instructions, he was required to ascertain the outstanding 
indebtedness, and forward all claims. . . . While engaged in the prosecution of this 
inquiry, a remittance of $80,000 was made to the agents. . . . But they have failed 
to furnish him with an intelligible account of the particular disbursement made; 
and he is at a loss to know what bills have been paid and what remain to be 
paid. ... In San Francisco alone it is estimated that $13,000 is due for purcha.scs 
made by the late superintendent. . . . But the superintendent cannot ascertain 
whether the goods so purchased ever went to the reservations, or what portion of 
them were for public or private purposes. . . . Mr. McDuffie [the superintendent] 
seems desirous of piTfunning his duty. . . . Tlie department has refused its assent 
to any removals which ho has recommended . . . without a statement of reasons. 
He can give no reasons witliout incurring the personal hostility of men who have 
accjuired a powerful influence over the Indians, which they can, if so inclined, 
exercise to the absolute destruction of the service. . . . 



TROUBLES IX THE BALD HILLS 

Wi' will now sjii'iik of sonic of the relations of tlic wliitrs to the 

Indians of Atliapascan stock living immediately to the east and south 

of the Wiyot territory. Of these Indians the Chilula were among the 

first to eonie in contact witii miners and i)ack-trains, as tiie trails to 

the mines ran tiirou^h tlicir territory. Redick MeKee,-'^ Indian 

commissioner, learned in l^'jl from these "gentlemen" from the 

mines that : 

Tlie Trinity, Redwood,'-^!" aii<l Klamath bands are a brave, warlike people... 
that it is not safe for ]]arties less than eight or ten in number to travel through 
the country ; . . . that mules are stolen from the pack-trains, and the drivers mur- 
dered and robbed when returning, a sliort ilistance from the party. In return the 
jiackers i-lioiit Iiiilimis at every iipportuiiity, killing innocent persons more fre- 
((Ui-iitly than tlic guilty. The wliites are very much exasperated against the 
Indians. 

As for this charge against Die Indians, it may or may not be in 
])art tlie truth, for all i-ei)oi-ts of the mountain Indians are consistent 
in deseriliing them as iiaving more s|)irit than thi' lowland Indians, 
ai)out Humboldt bay. However, great allowances have to be nuule 
for the charaeteristic trait of the Argonauts to exaggerate on any and 
e\-ery subject. The statemi'iits to th<' effect that the nnncrs and 
packers took frei|ucnt oceasinu to let the Indians know that they were 



^i'* Redick JIiInic, "/'■ '■''• (^'''-' footnote !H1 of present paper), p. l.")4. 
-1' 111 i|init;itiiiiis lri>iii c :niy sources Redwood Indian is synonymous with 
• 'liihihi, .-iiid lliiijilKpldt 111 hiwlaiid Indian is equivalent to AViyot. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Arclmeology of the Wiyot Territory 317 

not overdesirous of cultivating friendly' relations, we need not have 
the slightest hesitation in believing. Aside from an occasional Indian 
being killed by the whites, and the anno.yance to the whites caused by 
petty thievery on the part of the Indians, the two races had but little 
effect on each other for several years, so far as the hill country is 
concerned. 

One of the first effects of the arrival of the Americans was the 
slaughter of game. Game was at first everywhere abundant, but it 
was not inexhaustible. Hunters often shot wantonly just to satisfy 
their propensity for destruction. Thus in 1859 in Pit River valley-^" 
"the deer killed were almost innumerable. One gentleman, a John 
Longley, killed five hundred since the commencement of winter ! . . . 
This statement . . . may be implicitly relied upon as true, and is fully 
vouched for. ' ' After such a use of firearms, much of the game would 
be scared away to moi-e remote regions, and Indians could not get near 
enough to what was left to shoot with bow and arrow. 

In reading early newspapers, it became quite apparent to the 
writer that Indian depredations were particularly apt to follow 
closely upon the heels of unusual successes by white hunters. For 
example, in 1857 hunters are mentioned as being very numerous in 
the Mattole valley as well as elsewhere, while in 1858 the Indians of 
Eel river, in both Humboldt and Mendocino counties, are reported as 
being in a starving condition and committing depredations on settlers' 
cattle. In the same way the great success of the salmon fishing in- 
dustry at the mouth of Eel river in 1858 and 1859 undoubtedly had 
an effect in causing a shortage in the food supply of the Indians living 
on the tributaries of this stream. At any rate, during the winter 
of 1858-1859 the Indians on the Bald Hills are reported as being 
"entirely starved out," and troubles continued in that quarter 
without interruption until 1864. 

Following the wholesale slaughter of game came another encroach- 
ment of the white race. The custom of the Indians in annually 
burning the grass on the prairie patches to the east of the redwood 
belt, for the purpose of providing a supply of seeds for food, had 
kept down the growth of both timber and chaparral, so that on the 
arrival of the American he found read.v pasturage for his cattle. 
By November, 1857, Humboldt county is reported to have 6597 cattle 
besides 3995 horses, mules, and hogs,--^ while in 1860, according to 



220 San Francisco Bulletin, May 3, 1859, copying Shasta Eepublican. 

221 San Francisco Bulletin, Nov. 23, 1857. 



318 University of California Puhliratio7is in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

military officers,--- there were in tlie Vau Diizen river region within a 
circle of twenty-five miles only ten or twelve whites and about two 
thousand cattle, with one or two exceptions not guarded or herded. 
Some of the cattle ranged twenty-five or thirty miles from where 
their owners lived. There was thus considerable temptation to the 
starving Indians to commit depredations, of which the newspapers of 
the time had considerable to say. Though specific details are not very 
often mentioned, the killing of one or two cattle was enough to bring 
out a broadside of editorial comment. In one instance--^ as many 
as five cattle and one nnile are mentioned as having been killed within 
three miles of Hydesville. 

The writer does not claim to liave made an exhaustive search by 
any means, Viut so far as he investigated he has learned of only 
thirteen white men being killed and eight wounded"* previous to the 
sunnncr of LSGO within the limits of the aeeoiupanying map, plate 1, 
or iKit far brycjud its liorders. The best sources of information would 
be the early newspapers of Humboldt county, but the writer not 
having access to these, has searched through the files of the iSini Fran- 
cisco Diillctin from October, 1855, to February, 18G1. This paper 
made a practice of rejiorting (juite fully and impartially all Indian 
troubles throughdut the state, and is often a better source, where 
accuracy is desired, tiian a paper published ni'arer the scene of action 
and, consequently, more likely to a|)|)eal to local prejudice. The list 
of white mi'ii killed or wounded by Indians, with dates and circum- 
stances, is as follows : 

1852, February. Mi/Pcnnitt and Jlerrill killed in revenge near site BD cm Vau 

Duzen river. 
1852, in the fall, two Cooper brothers killed at the head of Little Yager creek. 

1854, September 18. Arthur Wigmorc killed on Eel river at site aq in a quarrel 
over a squaw. 

1855, March. J. W. Cooper woumled at Cooper's Mills on Yager creek. 

1856, October. Henipfield wounded in "battle" at the head of Canon creek. 
1856, October. Charles Hicks killed in Bear Kiver mountains. 

1856, November. Man at Trinidad killed for abusing a squaw. 

1857, March. Charles Cook and James Granger killed while hunting on Mad river. 
1857, August. Man wounded (?) on the trail beyond Mad river. 



==- Ma.i. G. J. Kains, commanding at Fort Hundioldt. in letters published in 
the San Francisco Bulletin, May 24, 18G0. 

-•=^ San Francisco Bulletin, Mar. 28, 1860. 

--* A. J. Bledsoe, Indian Wars of the Northwest (San Francisco, Bacftn, 
1885), gives the names of several other men who were wounded during engage- 
ments with Indians in the campaign of the winter of 1858-1859. Because com- 
petent testimony in the IT. S. Court of Claims in cases of Indian depredations has 
seriously calleil in question the autlienticity of this work, very few data from it, 
other Ih.-in a few d.-ites, have been incorjiorated in this paper. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Arcluieology of the Wiyot Territory 319 

1858, June 3. Asa Jordan and John Mackey wounded (?) on Freshwater creek. 
1858, June 23. W. E. Ross wounded on the trail near Grouse Creek hill, ten miles 

east of Three Cabins. 
1858, July 16. Orin Stevens killed in "battle" on Grouse creek. 
1858, August 2. Chauncy Miller killed and Winslett wounded in "battle" at 

Three Creeks eight miles northeast of Bald mountain. 
1858, August. John Mann, while asleep, had his throat cut by his own squaw 

because he had killed her brother. In return he killed her. 

1858, September 14. Paul Boynton killed on Boynton Prairie. 

1859, May 10. J. C. Ellison killed in "battle" on Yager creek. 

1860, January. Hitchcock wounded in "battle" on the North fork of Yager 
creek. 

As a matter of course a "punitive expedition" followed every 
"outbreak" of the Indians, but it wa-s not until June, 1858, when 
Eoss,--^ a packer, was wounded on the trail at the head of Grouse 
creek, that we have a very extensive campaign. Though the Indians 
probably had a grudge against Ross only, as they had previously made 
an attempt on his life and on this occasion stood and watched the 
white party care for the wounded man without making any attack 
upon them, yet it proved a sufScient cause in the minds of the whites 
for a general attack upon all the Indians living on the Bald Hills, 
to which three companies of volunteers at once proceeded. One of 
these divisions was repulsed at the head of Grouse creek on July 16 
with the loss of one man. The other divisions took up positions at 
laqua Buttes and on Redwood creek at Bair.--" 

It was a few months later, when Paul Boynton was killed within 
a short distance of his own home and apparently without cause that 
the state commissioned troops to the number of ninety men under 
the command of Adjutant-General W. C. Kibbe, Captain I. G. Messie, 
Lieutenant Prosser, and Lieutenant Winslett. These troops were kept 
in service on Redwood creek, upper Mad river, and in the Yager 
creek and Van Duzen river country from October 15, 1858, to March 
31, 1859, by which time "above one hundred Indians had been killed, 
and three hundred and fifty taken prisoners."-" The difficulties of 
the campaign and the hardsliips of the Indians were increased by the 
unusual severity of the winter, tlicre being three feet of snow in places 
on the hills for several months, while it was so cold that packer's 
mules are said to have frozen to death.--' 



225 San Francisco Bulletin, June 28, 1858. 

226 7&id., July 26, 1858. It is presumed by the writer that Pardee's ranch, 
the camping place frequently mentioned in the newspapers, is the same as that 
owned later by Isaac Minor and now known as Bair. 

227 California Assembly Journal, 10 sess., 1859, p. 699. 

228 San Francisco Bulletin, Dee. 14, 1858, April 25, 1859. 



320 Viiifcrxilfi of California Puhliciitiunx in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

After till' Indians weri' "ciilircly starved out," those who were 
taken ])risoners were sent t(j tlie Mendoeino Coast reservation, where 
a government report dated November 4, 1858, says that there were 
already 722 Indians with a crop insufficient to feed more than 420 
Indians for ten months.--'' The result was that in less than a year 
most of the Indians from the Bald Hills were baek in their old ter- 
ritory,-'"' very much embittered against the whites. Yet the marvel is 
that we can find no record of more tha)i one man being killed and 
one slightly wounded in the region under consideration dui'ing the 
yeai's 1859 and 1860. 

As to the extent of depredations on stock, it was doubtless at first 
much overestimated, because in May, 1859, we have the statement of 
a loi'al i)aper, ■-'•■' wliieli has never been charged with unduly favoring 
the Indians, that "the number of stock killed will not be so great as 
was anticipated. The owners say that pi'obabl}- fifty head will cover 
all till' losses" in the Yager creek count I'y. 

Among the Indians taken to Mi'ndoeino reservaliim in the spring 
of 1859, was a band gathered into an old house belonging to Isaac 
Minor-"- on Redwood creek under a false jn-etense that a council and 
settlement were desired. Here eighty-four young men were shut in, 
chained two and two to a rope, and rushed to the reservation along 
with their WDiiieii ami children and the older men. Ili-re they were 
half starved for foiii' or tive months, when they returned and camped 
near ilinor's jilaee. Then, about January, 1S60, depredations being 
reported twelve or fourtei'ii miles above, a volunfeer eom]iaiiy led by 
Jim Brown went to jiunish the Indians. Stoi»ping at Minor's to feed 
their horses, they found the well behaved Indians camped in his field 
and killed seven or eight noii-eomliatants, while the young nu'U 
escajied. These formed the nucleus of a baud of fifty-one, which, 
finally driven to des|iei'ation, kilh'd or drove out all the settlers on 
the Bald Hills in Ihe spring ami summer of 1801 and continued to 



--'■> G. Bailey, spoo. Mf;ciit Dcpt. Intcridr, Kcpiiit of Nov. 4, 18.")8, 3;j Cong. 
2 sess., serial no. 974, doi-. 1, ]>. (i.l.i. 

^30 J. Y. MeDuffie, .siipt. Iii.l. Aff. N. Cal., repoitc.l Sept. 4, IS.'fl, tliat tliere 
were not over tive luiinlred Imiinns resilient at Meniloeino reservation, 30 Cong. 
1 se.ss., serial no. 1033, doe. 4(i, p. 7. The Han Francisco Bulletin of Mar. 13, 
18150, says that 350 of the Indians taken from the Bald Hills to Mendocino the 
previous season had returned liecause they had nothing to eat. 

2-11 llundinhlt Times, May 21, IS.")!), copied bv San Francisco Bulletin, May 2(), 
18.5!). 

23-' I.saac Minor in a manuscript in his own possession, which is a stenographic 
record of testimony before Commissioner H. L. Ford, (!ourt of Claims, at Eureka, 
1893: Indian Depredation no. 1,032 Isaac Minor, plaintiff, v. V. S. ami Redwood 
and Hoopa tribes, defendants. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogcography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 321 

burn buildings and do all tlie mischief possible over an area forty 
miles square, finallj' burning Bates' hotel at Blue Lake, killing several 
persons there, and otherwise threatening the settlements at the head 
of Humboldt bay, until they were tracked to Little river. Here, on 
August 24, 1862, all but two were surprised and killed while bathing. 

During the summer and fall of 1S59, a small company of L'^nited 
States troops under Lieutenant Collins were stationed at Bair on 
Redwood creek and another under Captain Lovell near Yager creek. 
A few cattle being killed in spite of their presence, the citizens of 
Hj'desville on February 4, 1860, held a mass meeting and organ- 
ized a company of fifty-five under the command of Captain Seaman 
Wright. ^^^ This company was composed in part of Eel river settlers 
and in part of a class of persons "having neither home nor kindred." 
The}- ranged the Yager hills for some weeks, killing eveiy Indian 
they could find. Like numerous other volunteer companies in Cali- 
fornia, their desire was not merely to be of the greatest possible service 
to the cattle-owning citizens, but more especially to be of service to 
the politicians, thus hoping to secure for themselves a commission 
from the governor. They killed a considerable number of Indians, 
but only a fraction of the three thousand of Athapascan stock who 
were then supposed to live within the drainage area of Eel river. 
However, they did succeed in stirring up new enmity between the 
Indians and whites which lasted until the Indians were nearly 
exterminated. 

Campaigns by volunteer companies, state troops, and federal 
troops continued for several years against the Bald Hills Indians. 
Prisoners were taken to the i-eservations and starved and abused until 
they returned to their native haunts, only to be chased oil" again to 
some reservation in a fresh campaign. 

Properly speaking, there never was a state of war on the Bald 
Hills. There were on the one hand irresponsible whites — drunkards 
and gamblers looking for excitement, propert.ylcss and with nothing 
to lose, but with a chance of getting rations for nothing — whom tlie 
better element could not control; on the other hand, there was a 
small class of bad Indians whom the great majority of friendly 
Indians could not restrain. T. M. Brown,^^^ sheriff of Klamath and 
Humboldt counties for about forty years, wlio knew the Indians 



233 These figures and the date are taken from A. J. Bledsoe, op. cit., p. 299. 

23iT. M. Brown (sheriff of Klamath county 1861-1874 and after consolida- 
tion of counties, sheriff of Humboldt county 1879-1906), testimony before Court 
of Claims, ease of Isaac Minor, etc. See footnote 232. 



322 University of California PiihIicatio7is in Am, Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 1-1 

thoroughly and earned the universal respect of Indians and whites 
alike, testifies that the marauding- Indian bands contained as low 
as four and as high as eighteen men. All of the mauweemas or head 
men tliat lie knew were friendly, except three in Hoopa valley and 
one on Kedwood creek. The friendly chiefs seemed even more con- 
cerned in keeping the peace and stopping depredation than were the 
whites. 

Over against the record of depredations on the part of the 
Indians, we have the report'-'^ of one white man on Van Duzeu river 
who boasted of having killed sixty infants with liis own hatchet at 
the ditferent slaughtering grounds. He had an Indian boy working 
for liim wliose family lived within half a mile of his place. Being 
angered because the boy occasionally visited his relatives, he went 
down one morning and slaughtered the family of about six persons, 
lioy and all, and sent the bodies of tlie victims on a rude raft down 
the river, labeled witli the name (if an American who was known to 
bo oi)p(ised to indiscriminate Indian killing. 

One of the neiglibors had had about his premises for the preceding 
two years an old Indian called Yn-keel-le-bah or I'killaboy who acted 
as a faithful guardian to the ranch as well as being a reliable inter- 
preter and aid to the white olSeials. About April 26, 1860, the old 
Indian, feeling perfectly secure, paid the vicious white man a friendly 
visit, and was innneiliately tied u]i and shot without any explanation. 

This vicious white man was a leader and model of a certain class 
of settlers on Van Duzeii and Eel rivers known as the "thugs. "-^'' 
These thugs not only went almut the country attacking Indian villages 
at early dawn and slaughtering the inhabitants of all ages and sexes, 
but they threatened and termrized'--'' their more peaceable white 
neighbors. Tliey had the sheriff.-"^ a certain influential newspaper, 
and a lunaber nf tlie members of the grand jury--'" on their side, and 
became so bold that certain of their number, on drunken sprees if 
not at other times, thi-eatened to "clean out" the small batch of fed- 
eral soldiers who had been sent to Eel river in answer to a petition 
of the bettei' class of citizens desiring protection for both themselves 
and the frii-iu'lv Indians. 



23--' S.1U Francisco Biillctin, Mar. lil, June 1. aiiil June 4, 18)i0. 

•J3G /(,,-,;., Mar. 28, Jnno 1, ISCO. 

=3- Ihid.. June 1, ISr.O. 

■j;is ]hid.. Mar. i:i, MO, 18(iO. Also Maj. C. .T. Rains, conimaiulinfj at Fort Hum- 
boldt, in a letter to Shcrifl' Van Ness warning "a certain faction favorable to 
tlie interests of the assassins in tliis county" of which the sheriff is charged with 
being the spokesni.-ui. Letter published in San Francisco Bulletin, May 24, 18(50. 



1918] Loud: Eihnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 323 

EARLY AGGEESSIONS AGAINST THE WIYOT 

After the character of the whites as exhibited in their conduct 
toward Indians in general is noted, it will appear quite remarkable 
that onlj- two men, Arthur Wigmore and Charles Hicks, are known 
to have lost their lives at the hands of the Wiyot Indians. The "Wiyot 
are usually considered as possessing much less physical vigor and 
prowess than the Indians of Athapascan stock living in the mountains, 
and they offered no resistance to the encroachments of the whites. 
Whenever the presence of azi Indian village was undesirable to the 
whites the Indians were required to move, so that in a few years the 
larger part of the Indians on Humboldt bay were concentrated on 
Gunther island at site 67, at the mouth of Elk river, site 77, and at 
the harbor entrance, site 112. But as the expulsion of the Indians 
from a particular place was usually accomplished at the hands of 
lumbermen and others of the rougher element among the whites, they 
seem to have showed no ill feeling toward the whites in general. In 
fact toward most of the whites the Wiyot seem to have had nothing 
but decidedly amicable relations. Such sentiments as they may have 
harbored toward the particular aggressors they feared to express. 

Eel River Murders in 1852 
One of the first clashes witli the Eel river Wiyot occurred in the 
spring of 1852. As we have previously mentioned, the two lower 
Athapascan villages on Eel river had a few cases of intermarriage 
with the Wiyot. When a Wiyot, whose son, Charles Shakespere, is 
now living at Indianola, was killed by an irresponsible white man on 
the trail near where Loleta now stands, some of the Indian's relatives 
living near Scotia thought to settle the score by killing MeDermitt 
and Jlerrill, who lived together in an isolated spot near the mouth of 
Van Duzen river. As soon as the bodies of the victims were discovered 
a few weeks later and the report reached Humboldt ba}% a party was 
fitted out with the object of impressing upon the minds of the savages 
the sacredness of human life when tliat life happened to belong to a 
person of a "superior race." The following quotation taken from 
a letter of the Indian commissioner, Redick McKee,-^^ April 5, 1852, 
to the governor of California, shows what happened : 



23EI E. McKee, Correspondence with Governor Bipjler, Calif. Sen. Jour., 3 sess., 
appendix, p. 712, 1852. The same (with a misprint, Eel river instead of Elk 
river), is also found m reports to 33 Cong., o/i. cit., p. 310. See footnote 181 of 
present paper. 



32-t Universitj/ of California Puhlicutions in Am. Arch. ui\d Ethn. [Vol.14 

It appears that, some time in February, two men living on tlie north side of 
Eel River, some fifteen or twenty miles from Humboldt [City], in a retired, 
out-of-tlio-way place, were murdered and their house robbed. As the river was 
unusually high, and canoes scarce, the fact did not become known to the settlers 
of the east side of the river for several weeks. It was then concluded, as a matter 
of course, that the Indians liad killed them; and meetings were immediately held 
at the towns on the bay, and parties organized to hunt up and punish the guilty; 
but no sooner were these brave warriors clothed with authority to rejiresent and 
defend the country, than tlicy commenced an indiscriminate attack upon the poor, 
defenceless, and wholly unsuspecting Indian settlements on and about the bay, 
near Eureka a7id the luoutli of Elk river, killing several; tlu'u proceeding out to 
Eel river, renewed tlie work of death, and finally succeeded in destroying the lives 
of fifteen or twenty naked and defenceless natives, without finding even one of 
those generally suspected of being most likely to be concerned in the murder. A 
week or two later, some three or four other Indians who were suspected of being 
concerned in tlie murder, ( // enntiitith il liti IndUins id nil,) were overtaken on Eel 
river, and sumnuirily shot down. A };entleman from the bay informs me that these 
rash, cruel, blood thirsty proceedings, were wholly disapproved by many of the 
best men in the eiuintry ; but tln'v cuuld not arrest them, and were indeed almost 
afraid to let their disapijrnb.-itiiui be k'luwn. 

Ill reality tlierr were (july llirec ])('rs(iiis concerned in the murder 
of the wliitc men, a yniiiit;' Indian, his father, ami an uncle, but the 
members of the cx])i'ditioii disjilayeil no fine sense of discrimination 
by making an invcstijiation and then jMinishinK those resjxmsible, 
neither did tln'y laK'e it for t^ranti'd that the resiionsiliility lay with 
the Indian villaye nearest to the home of McDerniilt and .Merrill. 
"What tliey did was to eoiisider all Indians eijually guilty, and so they 
attacked the first villages that Ihey rame to, namely, site 77 at the 
month of Elk rivei- and site az on Eel rivi-r. Ili-re they killed many 
of the Indians wlio failed to escape to the bushes. Neither of these 
villages iuul the least thing to do with the murder of the settlers, and 
to save themselves from furl her trouble tlieir inhabitants guided the 
white's, some time later, to the village near Scotia where at least the 
three guilty Indians wei'e found and killed. Tlierc may have been 
more killed, but the Indian informant was not certain on this point. 

" S(jii<ne-iiii II" nil Ell h'ivir In 1S51 
As there were but \cry few white women in the mining counties 
during early \-ears. hundreds if not thousaiid.s of white men through- 
out the state took Indian wives. These men are often given the 
o|i|irobrioiis name of "sciuaw-meii"" and it is frecjuently iusserted tliat 
the deseeiidants of sueli unions inherit none of the virtues of either 
raei' but all of their vices. It does at times seem as if tlieri' were some 
foundation for such a belief, luit it is jjrobably true that the results 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 325 

asserted are more apparent tlian real, since a great many unions of 
the two races have produced offspring worthy iu every respect. On 
the other hand, when the father was without redeeming traits of char- 
acter while the mother had been secured at the cost of the lives of 
her male relatives and held to a union to which she did not yield a 
hearty respoiLse, the offspring could hardly fail to inherit the pre- 
dominating traits of their progenitors, intensified perhaps by the 
environment in which they were reared. 

As a solution of the Indian problem in early days there were 
various theories. Some advocated subjection of the Indian to slavery, 
some, his removal bej-ond the limits of the state to the deserts of 
Nevada. Some believed in concentrating the Indians on reservations 
where they could be taught husbandrj^ and the mechanical trades. 
Many advocated extermination, some amalgamation. Thus the Sacra- 
mento Bee in 1857 says:-'"* "Our idea" is "amalgamation. Persons 
who have been in the mountains, and seen as we have, hundreds of 
white men living with their Digger wives, will not be so much sur- 
prised at this declai-ation of opinion." 

At Humboldt bay there was considerable intermarriage of the two 
races, and on the whole the unions appear to have been quite satis- 
factory, since the Wiyot women have generally made the best of house- 
keepers, keeping everj^thing faultlessly clean. The writer can see 
no reason why such intermarriages should be looked upon with dis- 
favor, provided the unions are mutually satisfactory and permanent. 
Unfortunately, in pioneer days such unions were too frequently 
neither mutual nor pennanent, and this often led to grave conse- 
quences. 

Thus, iu September, 1854, at the mouth of Eel river,-" site aq, 
there was an Indian called Sherman George who had two wives. 
A white man by the name of Arthur Wigmore wanted one of these 
women, and threatened to harm George unless he left the district. 
George's father was afraid and so moved about two miles off to East- 
lake slough. This move of the Indians then furnished a good basis 
for a trumped-up charge of stealing. Wigmore attempted to "arrest" 
George, but the latter avoided being caught. Next day Wigmore 
came again for a rope left behind the previous day and intended to 
be used in securing George. He was in a very surly state of mind at 



2*0 Sacramento Bee, copied by San Francisco Bulletin, Apr. 9, 18.57. 

2" The date is taken from A. J. Bledsoe, op. cH. (see footnote 221 of present 
paper), pp. 179-181. The details, as given by Indian informants, differ materially 
from the accounts chronicled in the white man's history. 



320 Univci-xity of Califurnia Publications in Am. Arch, and ICthn. [Vol. 1-i 
being frustrated in his desifins and said to George's father, "You 



, give lur the rope." lie attempted at tlie same time to 

.shoot, hilt (ieorge held the gun, whereupon lie drew his pistol and 
shot George's fatlu'r in the head. The bullet, however, did not kill, 
since it failed to pieree the skull. Then George disabled the white 
man, while another Indian finished the job by knocking him on the 
head, therebj' taking revenge for a brother wIkj had j)reviously lieen 
killed. Then all tlii' Indians were afraid and took to the brush. 

At Ihis time Dand.y Bill, his five brothers, and a sister were living 
at site 92 and digging potatoes for a white man on Table Bluff. 
When Dandy Bill eame home from his wt)rk, his mother was crying. 
The Wiyot luul leai'ned fi-om experienec what to expect in a ease like 
this. Having finished digging a boat-load of potatoes Dandy Bill with 
his falliri- and an imclr went to site 17 in time to warn the Indians 
there to be mi their guard against a pai'ty of white men. This party 
was already ercissiiig lln' bay to Samoa and was susjieeted of designing 
a sui'pi-Jse attack (in tlie Indians living on the North Sjiit. 

Shortly after this. Dandy llill saw .less Dungaii who was married 
to an Indian woman and had a salmon cannery and ferry on Eel 
rivei- near site at. Dnneaii advised the Indians to avert more serious 
trouble by I'apturiiig those who had killed AVigmore. Dandy Bill, 
Doctor, and a few other Wiyot, together with seven Mattole Indians 
and Maltole-Wiyot half breeds, went after (ieorge ami his friends, 
who had fled down the eoast to site 114. Doctor killed and l)rought to 
the whites the head of the Iiulian who had knocked in the skull of 
AVigmori', but the whites wanted also a certain Indian who was known 
as a thief. As some of the Lidians did not like the tliiid', he too was 
secured, and together with George was turned over to the military 
officei's. After two months of Jail at h'ort Humboldt, a disagreement 
arose bi'tween tin- ofiieer in coinmaiid and the civil authority; hence, 
the t\\d Indians were turned loose. 

Murihr of Cliarh s Ilicls in JS.'iC 
The next ti'ouble in point of time was in October, 1856. Charles 
Hicks, according to the ni'wspajiers,-''-' was hunting on Bear river, 
and was a1taeke<l by five oi' six Indians and shot. Several weeks 
latei- when he died from tin- el'l'eels of his wound, a party of whites 
attacked an Indian band on Iv'I ri\i'r near Gri/.zlv liliitf and killed 



2*2S;iti l-"r;nuiscM) Biilli'tin, Nov. 4, 2'.), lS,")(i. Of. also A. J. Bleilsoe, op. 
cit., p. 210. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Arcliaeologij of the Wiyot Territory 327 

seven. The shooting of Hicks seems to have occurred beyond the 
limits of Wiyot territory, but Dandy Bill, though claiming to be 
unacquainted with tlie particulars, thought that some Wiyot were 
among the band that killed the white man. Those guilty tried to hide 
at kadjo'h-dfitigerdoli, the point of Grizzly Bluff reaching down 
toward the mouth of Van Duzen river. 

Conseqtoences of Theft by Indians 

The W^iyot Indians are not known to have ever killed a single 
head of cattle and thej^ seldom stole anytliing of much value, though 
doubtless on occasion tliey pilfered. One Indian informant told his 
boyhood experiences in stealing. One day he entered a white man's 
cabin by the chimney and took some fish-hooks. Some of these he 
gave away to his boy friends, and in this way his parents found out 
that he had been stealing. He was made to understand that it was 
a very serious offense. He must go to the white man and (;onfess, even 
if he paid the penalty of death for his crime. His fatlier and uncle 
took him into the terrible presence of the wliite man, who blustered 
considerably when he found out who had taken the hooks — possibly 
for effect, since he ended by giving back to the boy some of the 
articles he had returned. The man put one hand beneath the boy's 
fallen chin, made him look straight into his eye, then laid an ice-cold 
finger on his throbbing forehead, and said: "If I ever catch you 
stealing again I will put a bullet right througli there." The lesson 
was enough. Never again through a long life has this Indian been 
tempted to steal again. 

In Maj^, 1858, a theft occurred on Eel river whicli was more serious 
in its consequences to the Indians. Robertson Jack, a bad Indian, 
stole a Mr. Kady's gun, hiding it and not advising even his relatives 
that he had it. Kady was very angry about his loss for two or three 
days. Then, when one day Jack brought home ten rabbits, his uncle 
suspected, watched him, and discovered the hiding place. Dandy 
Bill and his uncle started to take the gun back to its owner, but, fear- 
ing trouble, left it with Dungan. Kady was satisfied when he got his 
gun, but certain other white men desired to punish tlie Indians and 
attacked the village, site ax, at daybreak one morning, killing Dandy 
Bill's uncle, the uncle's wife, and a baby, and wounding another 
woman so that she died later. Dandy Bill's fatlier biiried his brother 
at site 104, while Dandy Bill went to Fort Humboldt and carried legal 
papers back and forth between the judge and the sheriff, who subse- 



328 Vnivcrsity of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

qneiitly arrested three white men, C. A. Sherman, William McDonald, 
and a man named Baker. 

At this time there was a Mr. Knight, a lumberman, living on 
Freshwater creek with a Wiynt woman. A Redwood Creek Indian, 
shooting at liini and missing him, he went to some lumbermen friends 
of tlie sanie disjiosition as himself and with them made up a story 
to gi-t an rxciise for killing ei-rtain Indians whom they dislikrd. 
('a)itain Jim and Han Francisco John were accused of having done 
the shooting, and a very ragged hole in the hat of Knight was, in the 
minds of the prcdi>termined lumliermen, suftii'ient jn'oof of the guilt 
of tlicsc Indians. Captain Jim's home was on (iunthcr island, but 
he was living at the time at site 58. drying tisli.-^' Kiught's S(iuaw 
cried and said that her i)eople had nothing to do with the shooting, 
i)ut that it was a, lii-ilwood Indian, llowi'vcr. the whites would not 
listen to her ]ileading but attacked site 58. They killed Nieodemus, 
wounded Billy in the leg. and frightfidly crippled San Francisco 
-John with three or four bullets wliich broke his arm and jaw and 
pii'rci'd his side. 

The wounded Indians fled for safety to site 31, while the soldiers 
took Dandy ]>ill, Peter, Henry, Ben, Joe, and Doctor to jail as host- 
ages and sweated them for a confession of their knowledge concerning 
Ca])tain Jim's shooting at Knight. Six logging men met Dandy Bill 
in the courthouse and urged him to persuade Captain Jim and San 
Francisco John to come to the courthouse ]iast a certain cluni]) of 
bushes at a cei-taiii hour. The two Indians, in a very wi'uk condition, 
came of their own accord, but to avoid the liiishes and the logging men 
the\' marched to the court house between soldiers. 

A few additional details, learned from newspapers,-" are to the 
effect that the attai/k on the Eel river village was made by eiglit or 
ten men (ui the morning of ilay 29, 1S5S. No mention is made of 
K,-i(ly or of Knight, but an assertion, apparently false, is made tliat 
"two innoeeiit " logging men, Asa Joi(hin and John .Mackey, were 
wonndeil with bneksliot alimit four miles above Eni'eka on June '.i, 
the very afternnon of the ,\;\y that Sherman. ilcDonald, and Baker, 
'"notorious" s(pia\\-men, were arrested on Eel river. Though there 
were eight oi' ten im'u conceiMied in the attack on the Eel i-iver village 
only these three, who were subse(|uentl\' held to bail in the sum of 



2-13 See footnote ">:'.. 

-i* San l-'rancisc-ci Hullctin, .Inno 22, \9,T>S. i-opying ITinnliolilt Times of June 12. 
A pioneer's :u-i'iiunt lias .•ilrcailv Ijeen given on page 2()!). t-'f. also A. J. Bletlsoc, 
op. cit., p. 281. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeograpliy and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 329 

$3000 each on a fliarge of murder, could be found by the sheriff. It 
was considered that the trouble on Freshwater creek was a result of 
the Eel river affair, but the writer is of the opinion that the two cases 
were entirely independent, although happening at about the same 
time. Afterwards, during the trial, the lumbermen on Freshwater, 
the "peaceable and industrious men who attend to their own business 
and do not meddle with the Indians," had an understanding with the 
"notorious" degenerates of Eel river. Quite a number of the more 
prominent Indians were held in jail for a time, but as nothing could 
be proved against them they were dismissed. Since it would have 
been a flagrant miscarriage of justice for a white man's court, sup- 
ported by white man's taxes, to convict a white man of any crime 
against an Indian, all the murderers, both of Eel river and of Fresh- 
water creek were set at liberty. 

MASSACRES BY THE WHITES IN 1860 
We have now mentioned every case of trouble between the whites 
and the Wij-ot. occurring previous to 1860, of which we are able to 
leani. It remains to speak of the climactic act of barbarity and 
inhumanitj' on the part of a half dozen vicious whites. It seems 
almost beyond belief that men could do such a deed as was perpe- 
trated by them. Indeed there are no men who could commit such 
crimes unless they had long been trained to deeds of violence. But 
such training had not been neglected. 

From the verj- earliest times of settlement in California and 
Oregon, Indians had been killed for the most trivial of causes. All 
the newspapers during the years previous to 1860 teemed with the 
words annihilaiwn and exterrmnation.-*^ True, the Indians had their 
friends among the newspapers as well as among individual whites. 
These strove as best they could to protect the Indian and give him 
justice at a time when life was none too secure for anyone. On the 
other hand there were newspapers that in a sinister manner, if not 
openl.v, advocated extermination. These poisoned public opinion by 
cultivating race prejudice and charging every possible crime against 
Indians. Thus shielded and encouraged, the rougher element among 
the whites gradually went from bad to worse. 



^-ts As early as October, 1852, the superintendent of Indian Affairs in Cali- 
fornia recommeuded to the government the quartering of troops on the reser- 
vations for the protection of the Indians against lawless wliitcs. Gen. E. A. 
Hitchcock, commander of the Department of the Pacific, endorsed the plan as 
"perhaps the only one calculated to prevent the extermination of the Indians." 
See 33 Cong. spec, scss., serial no. G88, doc. 4, p. 377. 



330 Universiiij of California FuMications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

At Humboldt bay the troubles ou the Bald Hills several succeeding 
seasons had prepared the way for what occurred during the night 
preceding February 26, 1860. At site 67 on Gunther island an Indian 
festival had been in progress for a whole week, ending in a dance on 
a Saturday nii^iit. Wliile tiie dance was in progress, white visitors 
came over from Eureka, and among them spies who learned the exact 
situation and made Iheir plans. At the close of the festival, those of 
the Indians who lived at the south end of tlie bay went home; but 
because of a strong wind those living to the north stayed for the night 
with the inhabitants of the village, and soon all were fast asleep after 
their strenuous days and nights of hai'mless excitement. 

About foui' o'clork Sunday nu.)i'ning five or six men came to the 
island armed with hatchets. One of the Indian women, the wife of a 
white nuui named llatteway, could not sleep, and so had arisen and, 
going down to the beach, saw the men coming. Knowing that they 
came for no good, sln' attempted to arouse the drowsy sleepers, but 
her efforts were hirgcly in vain or too late. A few, mostly men, 
escaped to llie bushes, while the otliers were cavight in their houses 
like rats in a ti-ap. Mercilessly the hatchet descended on all alike, 
old and young, women, children, and infants. Tlii'ir skulls were cleft, 
tiieir sjjines severed, their bodies thrust with bowie-knives. Among 
the children and infants killed were a few who had white fathers.-^" 
Tlie woi-k (if desti'uction was finisiied in a few minutes, and while the 
dead and dying lay strewn over the ground, the fire from one of the 
burning cal)ins lit uj) the ghastly scene. 

The nnirderers departed, while in a short time sympatlietie whites, 
including one doetor, arrivetl from Eureka to witness the dreadful 
sight and do wliat little they could to allay the sufferings of those 
still living. (Jne (}f these visitors gives a description of the slaughter 
which, though pei'haps not to be taken as literally exact in every par- 
tieular. aiiju'ai's to tin' writer to have avoided exaggei'ation as nuich 
as any of the various accounts ])ublislied in the. newspapers of the 



-i" Sau Francisco liullctin, Mar. 13, ISIiO. A correspoiKlent often addri'ssing 
his letters from " Murderville," signing as "Anti-Thug," and sometimes given 
to (".vaggcration in spealting of the friendly relatioiis existing between tlie Indians 
and the wliitcs, says that there were "not less than ten or fifteen half-breed 
infants among the si|uaivs. " Two constrnctions might lie placed on this passage, 
one, tliat ten or fifteen half-brei'il cliildreu were killed, winch would be quite 
impossible; tlie other, that the tot;il number of ofl'spring resulting frinn the inter- 
marriage of tlie two races amounted to ten or fifteen. Tliis latter construction 
miglit be readily accepted as the truth. The same writer also states that "at 
Kagle I'lairle, a few nights since, they slew several half-breed squaws, who were 
crying for mercy in plain English." In this case, owing to very recent settle- 
iiuiiit, the "squaws" could scarcely have exceeded the age of eight years, whereas 
the word is usually understood to mean an adult female. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyut Territory 331 

time aud, in geueral, to have adliered quite closely to the i-eal facts. 
The description follows r" 

Amidst the wailing of mutilated infants, the cries of agony of children, the 
shrieks and groans of mothers in death, the savage blows are given, cutting 
through bone and brain. The cries for mercy are met by joke and libidinous 
remark, wliile the bloody ax descends with unpitying stroke, again and again, 
doing its work of death, the hatchet and knife finishing what the ax left undone. 
A few escaped — a child under the body of its dead mother, a young woman 
wounded, and another who hid in tha bushes. . . . 

Here was a mother fatally wounded hugging the mutilated carcass of her 
dying infant to lier bosom; there, a poor child of two years old, with its ear and 
scalp tore from the side of its little head. Here a father frantic with grief over 
the bloody corpses of his four little children and wife ; there, a brother and 
sister bitterly weeping, and trying to soothe with cold water the pallid face of 
a dying relative. Here, an aged female still living and sitting up, though covered 
with ghastly wounds, and dyed in her own blood; there, a living infant by its 
dead mother, desirous of drawing some nourishment from a source that had 
ceased to flow. 

The wounded, dead and dying were found all around, and in every lodge the 
skulls and frames of women and children cleft with axes and hatchets, and stabbed 
with knives, and the brains of an infant oozing from its broken head to the 
ground. But five men were killed on Indian [Gunther] Island, and but few 
elsewhere. . . . So, where is the good to come from these murders of 55 ou Indian 
Island, 58 on South Beach, 40 on South Fork of Eel river previously, and 35 
subsequently on Eagle Prairie — 188 lives of human beings in allf 

If not a great mistake current, Capt. Wright's Company of Volunteers have 
been acting not only without State authority, but in defiance thereof, and the 
perpetration of the sanguinary deeds were done by a few, the many thereof look- 
ing upon such deeds with horror. The civil authorities here are paralized or 
diviiled. Our Sheriff says, "Served them right!" and the tone of a newspaper 
called Humboldt Times, advocates such principles. 

Nobody ever knew with any exactness the precise number killed 
on the island. All the survivors living to the north quickly placed 
their dead and dj-ing in canoes and started for home before the vis- 
itors from Eureka arrived. The first visitors counted thirty-six dead 
bodies,-*^ mostly women and children, in and near the several houses, 
while a number of others died within a few days. One or two, though 
so badly cut up with hatchets as to be horribly disfigured for life, 
recovered. One assertion is that the total number killed on the island 
was sixty or seventy, of whom fifty or sixty were women and children. 

Some accounts say that of about thirty from the mouth of Mad 
river sleeping on the island, all but a few were killed. The inhabitants 
of site 7 escaped, as previously stated, owing to the fact that because 
of an unsettled quarrel with Captain Jim they did not attend the 



SIT San Francisco Bulletin, Mar. 13, 1860, correspondent signing as "Eye- 
Witness. ' ' 

248 These figures are from a witness, the editor of the Northern Califoruian, 
published at Areata, copied by San Francisco Bulletin, March 13, 18(i0. 



332 Vniversitji of California Puhlivations in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

claiici'. Jim Brook said that about fifty from Blue Lake attended the 
dance of whom many wei'e killed. Some of the Indians living near 
the bend of Mad ri\'er came to Areata by way of Daniels slough and 
were carried home by (lie whites in wagons. Accounts say that these 
numbered about foi'ty tlead, mostly wonieji and cliildivii, and ten or 
fifteen living, of vvliom several died later. 

Hatti'way's scjnaw said that the numbir of wliite men engaged 
in the crime was only six or seven. If was never publicly known who 
tiiey Were, since none were l>rought to trial. A considerable number 
wei'c suspected of being none too good to commit the deed, but as they 
were shielded by ])ers()ns of position and authority, no one dared 
o|ienly to accuse them. The most that was ever done to promote 
justice was the writing of numerous anonymous"*"' letters to the San 
Francisco news])apers. From tliese letters it appears that some of 
till' murderers at least were from the Eel river region and were 
members of Seaman Wright's ('onipaiiy of \'olunteers. though it 
wouUl be uii\varrant<'d to say that the company as such had any 
jii-evious knowledge of the affair. Tlie assertion has been made 
that the leader of this murderous band was a man by the name of 

"L ," a man who had a cattle I'aneli on Larrabee creek, and 

wiiose character lias biin described on page ■j2'2. 

On the night of the attack it apjjcars that men rode through from 
Eel river to the south end of thi' ba\\ hitched their horses, took pos- 
session of Captain Buline's boat anchored near Humboldt Point, 
crossed to site 111!, killed most of the Indians there, and then j^ro- 
ceeded up the bay to Gunther island. The day after the massacre, 
the leader of the band is said to lui\-e boasted that lie himself during 
the night had killed tliii'ty women and children with his hatchet. 

Some of the more extravagant assertions are to the effect that 
Indians were killed the same night at other places on Humboldt bay 
i)esidi's those mentioned as well as on Eel river, and throughout the 
county; that the total number killed was two hundred and fifty or 
moi'e; and that about forty whites were engaged at the different 
]ilaees. These aeeoimts apjiear to the writer as unworthy of credence. 
The facts as they have been presented are bad enough, without at- 
tempting to nud<e them ai)])ear worse. 



2-10 From one to half a dozen letters were written to the San Francisco Bulletin 
by each of the persons niakini^' the following signatures: J. A. Lord, J. K. D., 
('has. Rossiter, (Sheriff Van Xess, Eye-Witness, Anti-Thug, Citizen. Justice, S. V. 
(Conner, Exodus, and Maj. Ci. J. Eains. These letters appeared in the following 
issues: Feb. 28: Mar. 2, 13, 28, 30; Apr. 11, 2:i; May 11, 24; June 1, 18, 18(30. 
Ailditional infonoation was obtained by tlie writer from living pioneers and from 
Indians. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Arclmeology of the Wiyot Territory 333 

As to the massacre at site 112, Dandy Bill gave a list of the number 
killed at each of the eleven houses, as well as a list of those escaping. 
Of those killed there were : 1 old man, 7 middle-aged men, 3 old women 
(one of whom was blind), 11 middle-aged women, 6 boys, 3 girls, 4 
younger children, and 1 baby, making a total of at least 36. For 
some of the families Dandy Bill was not certain of the number of the 
younger children, so that the total might be a little more than 36. 
Only 11 or 12 men and 4 women escaped, and of these 1 man and 3 
women lived in a house which stood apart from the others and in 
consequence was not attacked at all. One of those escaping fled across 
the bay to give warning to the village at the mouth of Elk river, but 
was overtaken hy the whites and killed. However, it seems either that 
the village got warning or that the whites became alarmed. At any 
rate, they hazarded no attack, so some accounts say, while others say 
this village was also attacked. 

As to the cause of all this slaughter, the local papers attempted to 
say something at first as an excuse for the outrage. However every- 
thing that was said was quicklj- disproved to the satisfaction of nearly 
everyone. About a week before the massacre an Indian supposed 
to be Sherman George of site 112 was said to have been shot at and 
wounded in the back while committing thefts on the Bald Hills. 
Hank Larrabee, a most vicious white man having a cattle ranch ou 
Lai'rabee creek, came to the bay to claim his victim. The Indian was 
found at the place of a white man living on Elk river, and by taking 
off his clothing he proved that he was not the guilty one, as he had 
never been wounded. About this time several bad characters from 
among the whites living on the hills are said to have met at a house 
just east of Red Bluff, it was presumed for the purpose of making 
plans. 

One of the extravagant assertions made after the massacre wa.s that 
of 7000 to 8000 cattle on the Bald Hills one-eighth had been killed 
during the preceding year. Indians were said to have been seen daily 
going back and forth from the bay to the hills conveying large quan- 
tities of beef to their homes near the white settlements. These Indians 
sometimes constituted parties of from ten to twenty, it was said, and 
dried beef was reported as found in their rancherias on Gunther 
island, at site 112, and on Eel river. However, this dried meat was 
later found to be dried seal meat, and it was declared that so far as 
the Indians on Gunther island were concerned: "neither man, woman 
nor child would touch beef. It is well known to families in Eureka 



334 Univcrsitii of California Puhlicali<jns in Am. Arcli. and Ethn. [Vol.14 

that tlu'v have a superstitious antipathy to eating tiuit kind of food, 
and are loiown to have tlirown away meat given to tliem. " 

Another eharge was that tlie coast Indians furnished arms and 
annnunition to the mountain tribes and gave them an asylum when 
they Wfvo hard pressed by tiie volunteers. This supposition has been 
answered by the established faet that there never were friendly rela- 
tions betwei'U tin se two groups of Indians. Besides, it was finally 
ascertained tliat the dejiredations were committed by Indians having 
only iiows and arrows, as the last cow shot witii a gun was killed seven 
months before the niassai're. Tiius the Wiyot have been completel.v 
exoneratrd in every way. One of the strongest testimonials in their 
favor is a letter of .Majoi' (i. .1. Ixains, commander at Fort Humboldt. 
This letter publisheil in the ,S'r(/( Francisco Bulb tin. May 24, 1860, is 
as follows : 

1 can liiiil no t'xeiise ■wljatever for the liorriil massacres on this Bay and the 
removal of Indians thereof from the county, whom I have cousiilereil as safe- 
guards to the citizens of this vicinity and their property, by acting as spies upon 
the mountain tril)es, to destroy snuUl numbers and betray larger ones who might 
come for spoliation ^ir murder. 

An ex:im|de of how tlie "Wiyot acted as spies on the moinitain 
tribes is shown when .\i'e,-ita got an alarm-'" on the nigjit of C_)etobcr :J, 
liS.")S. The ^lad ri\er Wiyot tiiought that tiiey heard sounds of a 

liostile band in the brush, and ri'])orted that the Ki'dw 1 Indians 

were coming to bni'n the town and kill everybody. The American 
women and ehihli-en were taken to a tii^ejiroof building for safety, 
while the men foUowed the Iiulian guides out to ^lad river, where 
they thought that they had heard the noise. It ail proved a false 
alarm, as there was no depredating band of mountain Indians: yet 
it sliows the aJeiliKss of the Wiyot in sensing danger and reporting 
it to tile whites. 

TREATMKXT P.V THE WHITES SIXCE ISiiO 
Immeiliately after the massaei'e. all of the surviving Indians who 
ha<l li\i'd on the bay sought an asylum at Kort Humboldt near Bucks- 
))ort. and in April were taken to Klauuifh reservation along with tlieir 
fellow ti'iliesmen ffoHi Mad and Eel rivers. We have this aeeount of 
the removal r' '' 

The last act In tlie tragic clrama of nuirdi'r an.l (ip]iression, wUicli began on 
Humboldt Hay on the 2iith of February last, has just been perfcurneil. The 



-'su 8an Francisco Bulletin, Oct. 12, 1S,^8. 
•^'-ilhid., May 11, 18(J0. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogcography and Archaeology of the TViyot Territory 335 

friendly aborigines, in number 450, have been removed from Humboldt county. 
Those on Mad river, about 120 iu number, were first forcibly expelled from their 
residences, herded like cattle, and all, under the fear of death, had to leave tlicir 
homes, as dear to them as ours are to us. These Indians . . . are measurably 
civilized. Some of them speak our language, they have mingled with the whites, 
and were accustomed to aid in their domestic concerns. . . .It would have moved a 
heart of stone, to have seen these poor creatures grieving, burning up their boats 
and houses, and then driven from their homes — their "sacred hearths" — from 
the graves of their murdered relatives, from the land of their forefathers — a land 
still their own, for it has never been purchased, nor have tliey received one iota 
as quid pro quo for all this country. 

It becomes us now to correct false impressions which have gone abroad (mainly 
propagated by a mendacious print here — probably pandering for votes,) by giving 
a statement easily verified by any disinterested person, proving that the objections 
to this population were without foundation. In many cases these Indians were 
useful. Tliey were divers and hands at the fisheries; they were harvesters, aiding 
the whites in getting in their grain, and bringing them berries, fish and clams; 
they were packers and guides to mountain trains; while their wives were of much 
service to the ladies of Eureka ou their wash days and in other household duties. 
. . . They killed nobody — neither women, children nor cattle ; they troubled nobody, 
and nobody 's property ; they never were drunk nor drank liquor, and really were 
the most inoffensive and harmless Indians, perhaps, the world ever saw. . . . 

At Klamath reservation the Wiyot foiuul aii uncongenial home 
and in three or four months larger or smaller parties began to drift 
back to their old homes,-'''- where they found on the one hand a few 
sympathetic whites desirous of protecting them, and on the other hand 
a considerable number equally desirous of embracing every oppor- 
tunity to murder them. One party found safety for a time by 
camping in Bucksport near the house of a white man of doubtful 
friendliness. This man, though pretending friendship, planned to 
kill them all, or at least deliver them into the hands of others to be 
killed, but his wife learned of the plans and revealed them to the 
Indians, who escaped by sleeping at night in the bushes. One of this 
party of Wiyot, Ned by name, was later killed when, driven by 
hunger, he sought to gather a few clams. His murderer boasted that 
when five shots failed to kill the Indian, he knocked him on the head. 

Another Indian, Ben hy name, was working for a white man 
living on the North Spit, and was dealt with treacherously, it would 
appear, by being sent on an errand to Gunther island, where two men 
met and killed him. Frecjuently other Indians, becoming suspicious, 
were impelled to seek safety in hiding. From time to time these 
refugees were gathered up and taken to some reservation, first to 
Klamath reservation, then to Smith I'iver, and finally to Iloopa. 



2S2lbid., Aug. 4, 27, Oct. 26, 1860; Jan. 17, 1861. 



336 University of California Puhlications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

111 the early part of January, 1862, every acre of arable laud on 
Klamath reservation was swept by a flood sueli as "the oldest inhab- 
itant anKHig the Indians had m-ver before witnessed." Every Indian 
village, thirty government buildings (all buildings except one barn), 
all the harvested crops and stores, all fencing, farming tools, hogs, 
fowls, and part of the cattle, were swept into the river. This necessi- 
tated the removal of the Indians to a new location. Smith river. The 
following quotations taken from several reports of the Superintendent 
of Indian Affairs, Northern District of California, hint at the miser- 
able enndition of the Wiyot, as well as the neighboring mountain 
tribes, on the various reservations. The dates given are the dates on 
which the reports were forwarded to the Commissioner of Indian 
Affairs. 

February 14, 1862. =53 After having accomplished the negotiation [for the 
purchase of Smith river farms] I at once removed oue of the tribes, numbering 
between four and five hundred, and called the Humboldt [bay] Indians, from 
Klamath. These were so anxious to be removed that they actually travelled 
through snow, rain, ami mud barefooted, over a distance of forty miles, to where 
they expected to find something to eat. On the journey two of tlie squaws brought 
forth an heir, travelling on the next morning, \vith the new-comers on their backs, 
as though nothing of the kind had happened. 

August 18, 1862.2^4 I am now about to remove some 600 or 700 Indians from 
Fort Humboldt to said valley [Smith river]. These have been mostly collected 
by troojjs under Colonel Leppit from the mountains, in Humboldt county, on the 
Eel and Mad rivers, and are akin to many of those now at Smith River valley; 
more will be collected and removed accordingly. How I am to provide shelter, 
food, and clothing for so many Indians ... I cannot divine, exc-ept it be by a 
miracle. The poor creatures must suffer the ensuing winter, for the credit of the 
government is so impaired I will not be able to procure further supplies. . . . The 
Indians now to be removed are destitute of clothing entirely . . . and we are nearly 
twenty thousand dollars in debt, and not one dollar yet received for 1862. 

October 10, 1862. =■'^5 Having very recently removed 840 additional Indians 
from Fort Humboldt to said valley, there are now over 2,000 in the aggregate 
already upon this proposed reservation, ami .several hundred more collecting at 
Fort Humboldt, who must also be removed to tlie same locality at an early day. 

July 18, 1863.250 The unsettled condition of three-fourths or more of the 
Indians, who have been compelled to lie on the cold, d.amp ground ever since 
their removal fnmi Klamath and Humboldt counties, has caused disease, and 
death in many instances, ... I Iiave ascertained that only 130 out of 840 Indians 
whicli were removed to Smith Eiver reservation from Humboldt bay last Septem- 
ber ever returned, and that little band, [Lassik tribe of Larrabee creek region] 
with their chief, Las-ac, left the first niglit after they landed in the valley. Las-ac, 
I hear, has since been killed. 



253 37 Cong. 3 sess., serial no. 1157, doc. 1, pp. 460, 461. 

254/i)id., p. 465. 

255 Ibid., p. 453. 

250 38 Cong. 1 sess., serial no. 1182, doc. 1, p. 212. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 337 

I am now constructing a hospital at Smith River valley, and as soon as it is 
finished, will make an effort, by the close attention of the physician, to banish 
the most loathsome of diseases from among the Indians; but while the more 
degraded men of the white race are permitted to live in reach of, and come in 
contact with them, I almost despair of success. The Indians on all the reserva- 
tions continue to labor faithfully. . . . They are very destitute of clothing, only an 
occasional Indian wearing a whole garment, and not a whole blanket could be 
found among 100 Indians; and their constant inquiry was: "When Captain 
Lincoln, big chief, send Indians plenty blankets?" 

September 1, 1864.257 This section of the country [Klamath and Humboldt 
counties] had been cursed for years with a destructive Indian war, that had well- 
nigh ruined its business interests, and promised to end only in the extermination 
of the Indians. A vigorous campaign, accompanied by great loss of life, had 
been waged during the past year, and the Indians, though severely dealt with, 
were still unsubdued, but, through the efforts of the district commander, had 
ceased hostilities and come into Hoopa valley, the home of most of the warriors, 
where with their arras still in their possession, they were waiting some action 
on the part of the government toward establishing a treaty. ... I at once pro- 
ceeded to Hoopa valley to treat with the Indians . . . resulting in the establish- 
ment of a reservation in Hoopa valley, and the surrender of their arms by the 
Indians. 

After being repeatedlj' taken to the several reservations and sub- 
jected to such uncongenial conditions as too generally prevailed on 
reservations, the diminishing survivors of the Wiyot nation were 
finalh^ permitted to live within the limits of their original territory, 
where they are all to be found at the present time. 



ARCHAEOLOGY OF SITE 67 
ENVIRONMENT OF THE MOUND 

The part of the bay north of Eureka, that is, all the part which is 
shown on the map, plate 2, contains, as nearly as could be ascertained 
by a careful measurement of the hydrographic map published in 1912 
by the U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey, about 14.7 square miles of 
water at high tide, over half of which, or about 7.8 square miles, is 
mud flats at the mean of the lower low waters. Gunther island, some- 
thing over a mile in length, situated .just opposite Eureka, is favorably 
located for reaching any part of the northern end of the bay in a 
canoe, no shore being more than five miles distant. 

The whole island, with the exception of two mounds, was formerly, 
before being diked in, covered with marsh plants and flooded at the 
time of extremely high tides. Three lumber mills were btiilt on the 
southern part of the island and operated at different times between 



257 38 Cong. 2 sess., serial no. 1220, doc. 1, pp. 2fi0, 261. 



338 Uiiiv<Tsitii of Calif uriiia I'liblivdlUins in Am. Arch, and Etliii. [Vol. 14 

]S()(i ;iii(l ISIKl ; ami in coiisimiih'iici' Icii arlcsiaii wells wci't' bdi'cd, 
besides one on earli of the ihdiiihIs, oi- twelve in all. These rani;'ed ill 
(leplh IVoui S.') to 1!4.S feet, luihert (Inntlier, not being able to lay his 
hands npon ]ia|iers in his ]iossi'ssion, j^ave certain statements regard- 
inn- the de])tl!s (iT tlii'se wells l'i-oiii niemorv. Th.ese statements are 
(hiuhtless siilistant ially eoi-i'eet, since he had speeial facilities for 
t)bscrvat ion wliih' serving as engineer in thi' mills. Following is his 
descriiition. 

I'lvcj-y (1110 of tlir wrlls fiiiiii>lic(l water tastiii.i; iliffcrciitly or actinj^' ilitTcrciitly 
ill tlic lioilcris. No. 1 \v;is S.l fi'ct ilcrp iiii.l |iliy>iii-kr,| cvcrvliDily who ilraiik from 
it. No. 3 was 12 IS IVi't dccji, liail an aliiiiMl.aiicf of water, liiit in tiiiic too fast 
]iiiiii|iiii^' suckeil Nand to tlie top, so tliat it liail to lie aliamloneil. No. i was 105 
feet ilee|i. Tile water eoiitaiiieil earlioiiie aeid ami llowcil eielit feet liif^lier than 
the iiiaisli l.'Vel. No. o was llL'd feet deep, iios. I\ ami 7, Ills feet. No. 11, situated 
on site 68, was 171 feet deeji. The marsh material here had a depth of two feet, 
lii-iieath which there were twenty or thirty feet of iiii-Ned s.ind and (l.-iy, followed 
by (|iiiel<sand. The w.ater rises in this widl to a point four feet above marsh 
level. No, 11: at site 117 was bored to a deptli of 1 (18 feet when some obstacle 
stopped farther pro^^ress of the drill. At a d.']ith of Hid feet a streak of e,\ccp- 
tionally toiii;h liliie (lay was em-oiiiitered. The w.-iter in this well does not over- 
flow, but has to be raised ^vitll a force piiiiip. 

{'"ill- the |inr|i(is(' of locating the |icriiiii Id' of the monnd which 
eonslitntes site 117, as well as to ascertain the character of the sub- 
si ratiiiii, the wrilcr dug cle\'cn holes, some of llicm to a dciith of four 
feet below the iiiaisli lc\'el. l-'oi' a dcplli of two to three feet beneath 
the surface of the nuirsli tiiere was a dai'k coloi-ed sand c(iiitainiug 
small black peal like streaks, fiie remains of decay cd marsh vegetation, 
lieiiealh this la.M'i- there was a stratum, six to twelve inches thick, 
composed of a \'ery sticky bluish clay nd-\ed wilh a little sand. As 
soon as this layer had been pcnct i-ateil, water bubbled up \vhich was 
pei'r(ctly fresh to Ihe taste. In the holes farthest from the shore, the 
water rose tii wiihin ei'jhteeii to t weiity foul' inches from the marsh 
surface. Beneath the stratinii of clay thci'c was a light colored sand, 
a sold of (plicksaud ni one ease, into which the sh.ixcl could be punched 
to a depth of a I'liot and a half. 'I'lie investigations indicate thai there 
has been no marked change in the land level within tlie most recent 

geolot;ical period. 

The iiihabilaiits of the mound could have oblaiiied all the water 
needed for eiiokinu and drinking, by digging a hole into the marsh 
until the straliim of clay had been penetrated. If their well were 

II led at liitjii tide, it was only necessai'.v to bail out the salt water, 

and Iheii from beneath would come iiii fresh water. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Arcliaeology of the Wiyot Territory 339 



SIZE AND SHAPE OF THE MOUND 

Site 67 is an irregularly pear-shaped mound 600 feet long, 400 feet 
wide, and 14 feet high (see plan, \)\. 11), situated on the marsh at 
the northeast extremity of Gunther island. There is no evidence that 
any part of the mound reaches helow the present level of the marsh 
except along the beach on the eastern and northeastern sides. Here 
the shell has been washed down by the tides to a level lower than that 
of the marsh surface. Storms from the northeast occurring at the 
time of high tides have foi-med several shell bars, as indicated on the 
plan. Robert Gunther reports that a considerable strip on the east 
side of the mound has been washed away by storms since 1860. One 
of the bars has formed since the dike was built, but the volume of 
shell in this is rather trifling. The larger of the projections from the 
mound is 3I/2 feet in depth at its center, is composed largely of shell 
with scarcely any surface soil, and may have originated as a separate 
deposit, the two becoming connected as they grew in size. This belief 
is strengthened by the fact that there is near-by a deposit fifty or 
more feet in diameter wholly unconnected with the larger mound. 
The .smaller deposit is shown in the foreground in plate 9, figure 1, 
while the larger mound appears in the distance. 

The major portion of the mound is owned by Robert Gunther, but 
a small parcel in other hands is fenced in as a chicken ranch. One 
corner of this latter parcel is taken as the zero point or point of 
intersection for the base lines A-B and C-D as marked upon the 
accompanying plan. Every position is located with reference to these 
ba.se lines. Thus the trench which was dug lies between 95 and 100 
feet northwest of line C-D and between 100 and 215 feet northeast 
of line A-B. In the plan of the mound the perimeter is drawn from 
measurement, but the five and ten foot contours are onl.y approximate. 



COMPOSITION OF THE MOUND 

Layers of Stratification 

Plate 12, figure 1, shows the vertical cross-section of the mound in 
the line E-F, Avhile figure 2 shows on a larger scale the vertical cross- 
section in that part of line E-F which forms the southeastern wall 
of the trench. Stratification was observed to some extent during 
excavation, but no effort was made to keep the artifacts of each layer 



340 Vniversity of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etiin. [Vol. 14 

separate. In fact, the layers were so iiulistinet that it would have been 
impossible. However, after tlie excavation had been completed, the 
lines of stratification were easily seen on the wall of the trench. In 
places a depth of 8% feet was reached, but there were never over 
five la3-ers in any one vertical section, while for the whole length of 
the trench eighteen layers were noted. 

Samples of mound material from some of the different layers were 
brouglit to the museum and analyzed to detennine the percentage of 
each constituent. The analysis was made by passing the material 
through a series of sieves and then separating the charcoal from all 
except the very finest sifting by running water. The several gi-ades 
of siftings were dried over a fire until they had less weight than before 
they were placed in the water, and then picked over by hand to 
separate the shell, bird bones, fish remains, and other constituents. 

In the analyzing of nine samples with a total weight of 9490 grams 
(20.92 pounds), tliree sieves, having respectively 8, 16, and 25 meshes 
to the inch, were usi'd. These sieves separated the mound material 
into four grades according to the size of the constituents. The grades 
have been designated in table 2 as coarse, medium, fine, and finest. 
The coarse grade, tluit is the material caught on a sieve having eight 
meshes to the inch, anuiunts to 1791.57 grams or 18.88%, of tlie total 
material comprising the nine samples. This grade consisted chiefly 
of very coarse shell with a small amount of bird bones and an occa- 
siiinal pebble or fish vci-ti-bra. 

The medium sized grade, that is the material passing throiigli a 
sieve of eight meshes but caught on one of sixteen meshes to the inch, 
amounted to 205.12 grams or 2.1G'/( of the whole and was about 
three-quarters slirli. the renuiinder being iiuiinly fish bones and char- 
coal. 

The fine grade, tiiat is the niali lial jiassing through a sieve of 
sixteen meshes but eaught on one of twenty-rive lueslies to the inch, 
amounted to 118. o4 grams or 1.25', of the whole, and was three- 
quarters shell, the remainder being nuiinly charcoal. As sorting such 
fine material by liand iiroved too tedious in the case of layer III 
and layer VI 1, only a |iart was sorted, ami with this as a l>asis for 
ealcidation the ])r(i|i(U't inn of each constituent was estimated in the 
renminder. Even though there shoidd be some error in this estimate 
of jn-oportions, the general result woidd be btit slightly atfected. 

The fourtii and linest grade, tiiat passing throttgh a sieve of 
twenty-fi\-e meshes to the ineli, junounted to 7374.97 grams or 77.71% 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeograpliy and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 341 

of the whole, and was mostly sand with a small but indeterminate 
amount of ash-^^ and charcoal. 

In table 2 it will be observed that the nine samples analyzed have 
an average of 16.20% for the coarse grade, 1.79% of the medium 
grade, 1.25% for the fine grade, and 8.76% for the finest grade. 
These figures, whieli are the average for all the layers, would be more 
nearh' the average for the whole mound than the figures given above, 
where a single sample, and that from a pocket not at all typical, 
constitutes over one-third of the total weight of the nine samples 
analyzed. Below will be given a description of the several layers of 
stratification noted in the excavation (see plate 12), together with the 
results of the analysis of the various samples taken from these layers. 
Table 3 also shows in condensed form the results obtained by the 
analysis of the various samples. 

I. The surface layer, with a depth varying from six inches on the knolls to 
2% feet in the old house pits, has a tendency to smooth out the irregularities of 
the former surface of the mound. It also attains a considerable thickness on the 
sloping sides of the mound. This is by far the most sharply defined of aU the 
layers, being of a black sandy nature. The unusually dark color is doubtless due 
either to microscopic particles of charcoal or to decayed organic matter such as 
acorn shells. A sample of 308 grams of mound material obtained from tliis 
layer at a depth of one foot gave an analysis of 7.88% mollusk shell, .20% fish 
remains, .23% bird bones, .54% charcoal, .23% rock or gravel, and 90.91% residue 
passing through the finest sieve. This residue, as was also the case in all the 
succeeding layers, was mainly sand with a small amount of ash and finer charcoal. 

II. Alternate streaks of coarsely broken shell and light colored sand several 
inches in thickness. One picked sample of nearly pure sand of a gray color 
obtained at a depth of two feet and weighing 1216 grams was found to consist 
of .12% crab shell, .41% mollusk shell, .06% fish remains, .03% bird bones, .07% 
charcoal, .07% rock, .2% clay, and 99.03% sand, etc. 

III. Coarsely broken shell was most noticeable, but there was considerable 
sand. A small pocket at the depth of two feet, not at all typical of the layer 
as a whole, contained an unusually large amount of bird bones. An analysis of 
3304 grams showed .03% crab shell, .01% barnacle, 16.06% other shell, .58% fish 
remains, 9.75% bird bones, .26% charcoal, .55% rock, .07% clay, and 72.68% 
sand, etc. 

IV. Light colored sand. 



258 E. W. Gifford of the museum staff has al.so made an analysis of seven sam- 
ples from the Gunther island mound, site 67, the results of which are incor- 
porated in a paper entitled Composition of California Shellmounds, present 
series, xii, 1-29, 1916. The difference in results between his analysis and that of 
the present writer lies mainly in the fact that he selected small samples having a 
weight of only 100 grams (3.53 ounces) each. All material passing through a 
sieve having twelve meshes to the inch was submitted to a chemist, who found 
an average of 3.93% ash in throe samples obtained at depths of 6, 6.5, and 8 
feet. It seems somewhat doubtful to the present writer whether larger samples 
could be found which would maintain so high a percentage. Three of the samples 
analyzed by Mr. Gifford showed no ash at all (see table 7). 



342 Viiivcr.sit!/ of California Puhlirations in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

V. Lij;lit lii-(i\vii sand. A sniiiplo froin a ili'ptli of tliree feet wciffliiiig .S6(i 
grams .showed an analysis of .{)oi</c uioUusk sladl, .9% charcoal, .172% rock, 
.l{i';'f clay, and ilS.71',; sand, etc. 

Sticaks of nearly ]inre sand a few inches in thickness were likely to be fouinl 
in almost any layer, lint because this sand layer was of considerable depth, it 
seemed worth investigating liow nearly pure it was. A quantity of material from 
this stratum, probably weighing nearly 5000 grams, was therefore sifted at the 
spot on a screen cd' fcmrteen meshes to the inch. The ni.aterial hehl by the screen, 
(i2..~) gi'.'uns in wid^lit, was sul)sei|uently taken to the ninseam and subjected to 
further examination. Tlie result is that the writer is able to compute what he 
thiulis a detailed analysis of a ."lOOO-graTn sanqile woulil show. This computation 
iliffers to a slight extoit from the analysis of the Mild gran) sample given above. 

It is as follows: .Il47'y shidl, .(lo.'j'/r lisli remains, .002',f, bird li s, .[\T7, ,diar- 

coal, .'■'A)'/c rock, .IS'/f clay, and a residue, assinned to be, as in the :'i()li gram 
sample, n8.71Cr of sand, etc., fine euougli to pass tlirough a sieve with twenty-live 
nuishes to the inili. 

VI. .\ layer marki'd on the diagram, though tlie ch.aracteristics were not noti'il. 

VII. Co.-usidy broken sliidl w.-is c'ons]iicuons. At a depth of M'j feet, wliicdi 
would be eith.'i' at the very bottom of this layer or at tin- to]i of layi'r X, there 
\\as a small jnHdiet of lisli bom-s in (dftse pioxiniity to a whale vertebra. An 
analysis of a sample weighing SHMJ grams showed .."iiiSf craij shell, :U.22',( mollusk 
shell, 4.8(i';'( fish renmins, 1.72% bird bones, .OS'/c charcoal, A<)'c rock, .92% clay, 
and r,(i,(12';; sand, etc. 

VIII. I'.roken shell. 

IX. Light i-(d(,red sand. 

X. Light coloied s.an.l ami broken shell. 

XI. Of all layers this had the highest pi'rc.ait.-ige of shell and tin- lowest 
]ierceidage of saml. It a|ppears to have been an old be.-ich I'xposed to the action 
(d' the waM's. .\n analys.s of a sam]ile obtaimd at a depth of f(jnr feet and 
weighing (io.j grams showeil .11 IT.'; crab shell, 4j.79% mollusk shell, .077% lish 
remains, .0M%, charcoal, ..".9'', ro(d<, and .''i.'j.70%. sand, etc. 

XII. Alternate sti'eaks of s;ind and shell. 

XIII. t'hieliy unbr(d<rn sledls of several spi'cies. 

XIV. Dark colored sand with but little slndl. 

XV. Largidy composi.l of saml of :\ darki'i- color ]M'rhaps than any other layer 
except layer 1. The' il:iik color is doubtless due to the presem-e of liru' particles 
of charcoal, of which there are also many lumjis aliout tlie size of grains of wheat. 
An analysis of a sample obtained at a ilepth of six feet and weighing 345 grams 
showed 3.{)5%. shell, .020% lish reiiLains, .020',; bird bones, .o2';'r charcoal, .09% 
rock, and 95.89% sand, etc. 

X\'l. This layei' w;is composeil largely of sand of a sonn'what lightei' color 
than that in the jireceiling layei-. The nnnuTous lunqis of charcoal were about 
the size of peas .and bi'ans. Twn samples were analyzed. The lirst, obtained at 
a depth of O'lj feet and weighing :;il2 grams, showed 23.84% mollusk shell, .1% 
fish remains, l.!i2'', iharco.il, .0(1'', rock, anil 73.48% sand, itc. The second 
samjde, obtaim'd at .a dejith of eight feet (or eight inches above the base of 
the mound), a)nl wi-igliiTig 2024 gi'.anis, showed the following analysis: 17.64% 
n)ollusk shell, .II2S'/, lish remains, .OI5'/r bird bones, .OI.')''r cetacean bones, 1.8% 
(diarcoal, .07'; rock, .022';/ clay, and 80.40';', saml, eb-. This samiile was the 
only one ,a)ialyzed which showed unn)istakably the jiresence of any vertebrate 
rianai))s othi-r than lish .and biid. 

X\'ll. Light brown sanil n)i\ei| with fine cha)'co;il. 

XVI II. Sand cd' a lighter eoior tha)i that in tin' biyei- just above. 



1918] Loud: Etlinogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 3i3 

When the samples of mouud material were selected to be brought 
to the University, the writer did not have in mind any such exact 
analysis as has been given above. In the first place, the samples were 
selected not so much to represent the mound as a whole, as particular 
layers, which in some cases were only a few inches in thickness. In 
the second place, many of the samples were so small that too much 
reliance should not be placed in the figures obtained on analysis. 
As an example of possible error : if a pint of sand weighing about 
one thousand grams contains a chert pebble half an inch in diameter, 
the one pebble alone constitutes about one-third of one per cent of the 
weight of the whole sample. The question then arises, should a pebble 
of the given size be included or rejected in the selection of a typical 
thousand gram sample from a sand streak? Still greater errors are 
liable to occur in analyzing small samples of coarsely broken shell, 
since the weight of a single valve runs up to at least ten grams for 
Macoma nasuta; one hundred for Cardium corhis; two hundred and 
fifty for Schkothaeru^ nuttallii; and three hundred for SaxMomiis 
mottalUi, to judge from weighed specimens of the leading species. 
It will be seen that a trustworthy analysis of mound material from 
Humboldt bay requires a larger sample than from San Francisco bay 
mounds because the smallest species common in the northern region 
proves to be the largest species commonly found in the more southerly 
district. 

Average Composition 

The average composition of the mound as a whole can be approx- 
imated by a combination of the samples analyzed. In the case of the 
sample from layer III and the sample from the bottom of layer VII, 
we have two pockets abnormally high in the percentage of both fish 
and bird bones. Consequently these samples should be rejected in 
averaging. The seven other samples yield an average of 13.89% 
mollusk shell, .019%- crab shell, .07% fish bones, .044% bird bones, 
.002%, cetacean bones, .798% charcoal, .239% rock and gravel, .055% 
clay, and 84.87% sand and finer material passing through a sieve 
having twenty-five meshes to the inch. 

By a somewhat different method of procedure another analj'sis of 
the mound composition was obtained for the upper six feet. While 
in the field, the writer was impressed by the unusual amount of sand 
in the mound as compared with the mounds at San Francisco bay.-'° 



259 E. W. Gifford, op. cit., table 1, shows the avprage composition of the San 
Franciseo bay shellmounds to be 55.59% shell, .04% fish remains, .0()4% other 
vertebrate remains, .198% charcoal, 14.72% ash, 9.6% rock, and 19.8% residue. 



3i4 Vnivcrsitij of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

In order to estimate the composition of the Guntlier island mound 
in a rough way, five gallons of material, estimated to be from twenty 
to twent.v-five thousand grams, were taken at the southwest end of 
the treneh at all depths down to six feet, and sifted on two screens, 
one having four and the other fourteen meshes to the inch. The 
coarser material was estimated to be from 20% to 23% of the whole 
according to hulk and subsequently at the University was estimated 
to have been from 13.4%, to 16% of the whole by weight. This was 
practically all shell, though there is much regret that it was not 
examined more closely before being thrown away, in order to have 
a.seertaiiied the anidunt of pebbles and vertebrate remains. 

The medium sized sittings, which were caught on the screen having 
fourteen meshes to the inch and which were about 4% of the whole 
in bulk (estimated at the University to be from 2.4% to 2.7% by 
weight), proved a surprise. They revealed a proportion of fish bones 
that had not been suspected. All of these siftings were taken to 
the University, where an analysis of 467 grams showed 81.15% shell, 
8.76' i' fish remains, 1.2;)',, bird lioiies, 4.92',; ciiareoal, 2.53% rock, 
and 1.34%, clay. 

The material passing through the screen having fourteen me.shes 
to the inch was estimated to have a bulk of from 73% to 76% of the 
whole (or 81.3% to 84.17o by weight). A small sample of this finer 
material takt'U to the University indicated that from .8';t to .82% 
of the whole five gallons of material was fine enough to pass through 
a sieve having fourteen meshes to the inch but too coarse to pass 
through a sieve having twenty-five meshes to the inch. 

Combining the figures obtaiui-d by a rough measurement of bulk 
while in the field with the figures obtained by a more exact analysis at 
the University, we have a final estiuuite of the avej-age composition of 
the mound for the upper six feet. It is as follows: 15.95% to 18.87% 
shell, .22% to .25%: fish bones at the very least, .03% to .035^0 bird 
bones at the very least, .24% to .27% charcoal, .09% to .1% rock at 
the very least. .03% to .036% clay, and 80.43'% to 83.44% sand fine 
enough to go through a sieve having twenty-five meshes to the inch. 
As an unknown amount of bird bones and pebbles and an occasional 
fish vei'tel)ra wei'e thi-owii away with the coarser siftings, the percent- 
age of these would be somewhat greater than the figures given, though 
wiiat the limits would be, the writer does not venture to say. 

Throughout liie whole length of the trench, after a depth of about 
five feet had been reached, there wa.s noted a nuirked increase in the 
proportion of sand. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 345 

Vertebrate Remains 

Under the heading Fauna have been listed the species of verte- 
brate, as well as invertebrate, remains found in the mound. Every 
fragment of bone or horn noted during excavation, with the exception 
of bird bones, was saved. Bird bones were entirely too numerous to 
be saved without exception. Every piece was saved, however, which 
was thought to be eitlier of sufficient size to aid in the identification 
of species, or to determine the relative abundance of each species if 
such a study should ever be attempted. The bird bones brought to 
the Universit.y weighed about nine pounds. Even if the full quantity 
of coarser bird bones was two or three times as great, they would 
not have aggregated one ten-thousandth by weight of the mound 
material. But though the coarser bird bones were not numerous 
enough to form an appreciable percentage, the finely broken frag- 
ments were sufficient in amount to be dealt witli in the analysis of 
some of the laj^ers, as has been shown. This result appears also in 
table 3, although some question may be raised as to what part chance 
played in the selection of the samples for analysis. 

It was but rarely that a fish bone was found of sufficient size to 
be noticed, during excavation, though the presence of smaller fish 
bones was revealed bj' sifting. Unlike the bird bones, chance in the 
selection of samples for analj^sis can therefore not have affected the 
determined proportion of fish bones very materially. 

The principal facts regarding the amount and distribution of 
mammal remains at different depths of the mound can be seen in 
table 4. About seven hundred and fifty fragments of bone and liorn 
from mammals, weighing somewhat over thirty-six pounds, were 
obtained. A single whale vertebra, with several other large cetacean 
bones, constitutes fully a third of this weight. As the seven hundred 
and fifty bone and horn fragments were derived from an estimated 
3500 cu-bic feet of mound material, one bone or horn fragment would 
come on the average from about each five cubic feet. Hence it is, that 
we can say the same of mammal remains as of bird bones, namely, 
that, at the very best, they can scarcely amount to one ten-thousandth 
by weight of the mound material. Probably the proportion is much 
less, and, unlike bird bones, no small fragments are revealed by 
sifting. 

The impression was gained during the excavation that there were 
fewer mammal but more bird bones at Humboldt bay than in the San 



346 Viaversitij of Ciilifoniia Publications in Am. Jrch. and Ellni. [Vol.14 

Francisco bay iiiDunds. Data for comparison with the San Francisco 
bay niounds is not nadily accissil)h> rxc<'i)t in thr case of a nidund 
situated near Castro in Santa ('lara county, and this mound is Inirdly 
typical of those in the San l^'raneiseo bay region, since it is situated 
about three niih's inhiiid froni the ojirii waters of the bay and is com- 
jiosed more hii'v;i'ly of eai'th than nf shell.-''" In about 1"J,.')(I(1 cubic 
feet of this Casti'o mound, 887 fragments of mammal renuuns were 
found. These weighed 4G pounds. These figures show results (juite 
contrary to those ex]i<'eted, sinei' there are about twice as nuniy mam- 
mal ri'iiiains at Ounlher ishind as at Castro pel' euliie fi'ct of material 
handled. As for liii'd bmies, Castro mound had ol! ounces fur the 
entire excavation. ('(insc(|nrntly tiie amount of bird bones savrd fi'om 
the (iuiither island mniiiid would be ti'U times as gi'eat jn'i' cubic f(iot 
as at L'astro. 

FltKirs mill Fin pJiici s 

P>esides the layers of stratification already described, one or two 
other features in the comjiosition of the mound were noted. At the 
southwest end uf ttic trench, at a depth of 21/2 fi'et, there was a hai'd 
packetl floor having a length uf at least fourteen fei't. It was made 
of sandy clay, tliree to five inehi's thick, whicli liad been burnt to 
such a degree of hardness that a piciv was re(piired to bi'eak it up. 

At a depth of two feet, just beneath liuimin remains iius. 2 and :}, 
was a snudl fliioi' of liaked clay two feet in diameter and from 3i/> 
to 4ii; inches in thiel<ness. it was I'cally a duuble tluur, for it had 
been nuule at different times, h'irst. aimut two iiiclies of clay having 
a sancer-likc di'|iression in the tup had been baked to a guotl degi'i-e 
of hardness and used as a fireplace until the surface had been covered 
with a film of charcoal. TImii anuther two inch thickness of clay was 
]iut on to]) of the ]ireviii\is tluor and used as a fireplace until it, too, 
had accpiircd a smodth film of I'hai'cnal on its surface. 

No other sign of either lloor or fireplace was noted anywhere in 
the fri'nch. Then' were neitliei' streaks of ashes nor licajis of burnt 
stones such as indicate the fi'e(pient tireplaces in the moiuids about 
San i<'rancisi'o bay. Such pebblis and stones as occurred were scat- 
tered about singly, and will be mentioned more i)ai't icidai'ly in the 
]iagcs to follow under the Invading Chert Refuse, Cooking Stones, etc. 



2110 E. w. GifFmil, t)/). cil., t:il)li' 2, givos Castro momul as (i4';'r, inorganic 
ni.attcr, while .seven other l;ir};c anil more tyjiical nioiimls at San Francist-o bay 
average but 22% inorganic matter. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogtograpliy and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 3-17 

AGE OF THE MOUM) 

It is perhaps too generally considered proper for the arehaeologist 
to discover stratification in every arcliaeological site, and then to make 
all that is possible out of such stratification, counting each distinct 
layer as a distinct age in the life and development of the fonuer 
inhabitants. The writer has excavated in half a dozen mounds about 
San Francisco ba.y and has not encountered an.v stratification there 
except at Glen Cove, near Yallejo, where layers of calcined shells 
alternate with uncalciued. Uhle has also described similar conditions 
at Emeryville.^"' In these mounds the stratification is mainly due to 
the agency of fire and probably results from the practice of cremation 
of the dead. In all other mounds of that region, excavated either by 
the writer or by previous University investigators, some suggestions 
but no vei'y definite evidences of cremation have been found. At 
Humboldt bay there is no calcined shell except in rather negligible 
quantities, and the varioiLS layers diifer only in being composed of 
varying proportions of shell and sand, while the sand takes on differ- 
ent shades according to the amount of finely pidverized charcoal in it. 

In the mounds mentioned on the shores of San Francisco bay the 
stratification is considered to be of no age significance. Neither is it 
at Humboldt bay except in the ease of layer I, which was the only 
layer extending the entire length of the trench. Of all the layers it 
had the most sharply defined limits. It is believed that this layer 
represents an age culturally distinct in at least one respect from the 
age preceding — the Indians of the more recent age burying their dead 
while the more ancient Indians practiced cremation. 

Although no special significance can be attached to any of the other 
laj-ers which have been described, yet it appears to the writer that 
three periods of development should be recognized : first, a camping 
period; second, a period of permanent residence when the dead were 
disposed of by cremation ; and third, the period when the dead were 
buried. Though we thus indicate three periods, there appears to be 
no evidence of any change in material culture as revealed by the 
artifacts. 

Before any mound existed at site 67, and when there was nothing 
but a marsh at that place, the Indians about the bay doubtless made 
use of the extensive tide flats to the northeast of Gunther island for 
gathering clams. Instead of taking the clams to their pei-iiiaiient 



201 Uhle also mentions a similar layer of caleined shell in a mound in west 
Berkeley and in another at Sausalito. Max Uhle, present series, vn, 8, 19, 22, 
1907. 



348 Vniversity of California Puhlications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 1-1 

village, sa}' at site 68, 23, 61, or elsewiaTt', it would be more cou- 
vciiicnt to roast tliem on the marsh at site 67. la order that their 
camping- place might not bi^ disturbed by high tides, especially the 
larger high tides occurring near the time of new moon or full moon, 
the Indians seem to have brought to the site large quantities of sand. 
This supposition, that tlie mound was begun simply as a camp for 
clam roasting, is in accord with the practice of the modern Indians, 
who used site 14 near the harbor entrance for just such a purpose. 

After the mound had grown to a sufficient heiglit, permanent 
houses were liuilt, only to be destroyed occasionally by storms at times 
of exceptionally high tide. There may well be some foundation to 
the tradition that "there was a flood three times that drowned all 
ilie people" (see page 282). Even if there had been no tradition of 
a previous flood to act as an incentive to tlie continual bringing 
on of more sand along with the clams, tlie animal demonstrations of 
wliat storms could do in tearing away the sides of the mound would 
be sufficient. The result was that the Imlians ccntinued to bring on 
large (piautities of sand even after any real necessity ceased to exist, 
although the ])r(i])ortions of sand in the ujiper five feet of the mound 
appear to be somewhat smaller than below that depth. 

Another thedi-y aeeouiiting for the rapid accumulation of sand is 
that the sand was needed in playing games, especially gambling games 
with clay lialls. The ri'markable uniformity in size of a certain type 
of clay liall fuuiid t<i be very ninuernus at tle]ithi5 varying from 1 to 
^\(, feet wiiiild I'liniisli some basis for a. bi'lief that strata of these 
depths were all laid ddwn within r)iie generation, otherwisr' there 
would be a greater \ariation. 

The objection may be raised that it is contrary to the general 
characteristics of Indians outside of the southeastern and central por- 
tions of the Uniled States to deliberately (K)nstruct mounds.-"'- To 
this the writer woidd agree, yet we have the fact that the mound as 
a whole is composed of over 80'?,' of sand and certain streaks as high 
as !)!)',;. Eve!'\- particle of this sand was brought to the mound by 
the agency of man. in ])roof of this it can be said that the mound 



2B2 H. H. Baiu-roft, Works, rr, 73(i-41, 18S:i, iiiciitioiis the fiiidhijj.s and .spccu- 
latious of an eutliusiastie, thougli iiiexpcriniccd, local investigator in Vancouver 
island and British Columbia. This investigator found shellmouuds fonrteou feet 
deep covering three acres; burial nuiunds of sand, gravel, or stones containing 
.skeletons or partially cremated remains with suggestions of human sacrifice at the 
death of important personages; mounds "built of sea sauil and black mould 
mixed with some sludls"; nu)iinds fifty feet high; and earth-works surrounded 
by ditches similar to those of eastern states. Obviinisly additional investigation 
will b(^ required before all of these assertions can l)e fully accepted. 



1918] Loud: Etlinogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 349 

is situated on an island separated from the mainland by deep chan- 
nels; the whole island has been a marsh covered with vegetation for 
thousands of years as evidenced by peaty streaks to a depth of two 
feet ; and an examination of the mound itself shows that there is not 
a single six-inch tliickness, possibly not even a three-inch thickness, 
of stratification that does not contain artifacts, cooking stones, peb- 
bles, stone refuse, charcoal, fish bones, bird bones, or shell. A glance 
at table 3 shows that a 1216 gram sample of 99% pure sand contains 
an appreciable percentage of things that one would not naturally 
expect to find in sand deposited bj^ natural agencies. On the North 
Spit there are mounds with alternate streaks of shell and sand. These 
unquestionably indicate a period of human occupation followed by a 
period of natural deposition. On the contrary, as regards site 67 the 
writer wishes to say that though he considers it, sand and all, as a 
deposition bj' Innnan agency, he also considers it as a gi'adual accumu- 
lation extending over centuries. 

Paul Schumacher,-'"'^ in excavating a mound at Hustenate, ten 
miles south of Pistol river, which is one hundred miles north of Hum- 
boldt bay, found conditions as described below. 

Decayed shells and bones, mbced with sand brought up from the beach, a mass 
of vegetable mould and rubbish, and all sizes of beach-stone, constitute the com- 
post of the surface-layer to a depth of two to five feet, below which dark humus 
is found, over a soft slaty formation of a grayish color, which is eoal-bearing. 
The house-sites are, as usual, irregularly located over a space of a hundred yards 
in length and something less in width. Considering the condition of the ground 
upon which we find the aboriginal settlements on the Oregon coast visited by our 
expedition, the opinion I have expressed in my previous report of such settle- 
ments on the southern coast of California holds good for this locality also: that 
all such stations had been established either on sandy ground, or that the nature 
of the ground had been artificially changed by layers of sand carried thither when 
it was rocky or hard. Sandy soil was necessary . . . for the erection of houses, 
which were partially dug in the ground, and surrounded by embankments. It 
was also a requirement for cleanliness, and healthful through its absorption of 
moisture in rainy seasons. 

To express an opinion as to the age of the mound, with no more 
excavation than has been done, can hardly be anything but premature. 
Excavation was made onlj- in one side of the mound at a consider- 
able distance from the center. The deepest point reached was only 
8% feet, while the depth of the mound in the center is at least 14 feet, 
even if it does not go below the present level of the marsh. Other 



2''3 Paul Schumacher, Researches in the Kjokkenmoddings and Graves of a 
Former Population of the Coast of Oregon, Bull. U. S. Geol. Geog. Surv. Terr. 
(F. V. Hayden, geologist in charge), in, 27-35, 1877. 



350 Unitwrsity of California PubHcutioiis in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

inouiuls of the viciuity, about as larg'e if not larger than this mound, 
have not been touched at all. Yet any kind of an opinion may be 
better than none at all. At least it may satisf.y for the time being, 
until farther excavations can be made. 

All the artifacts found in layer I, also those with human remains 
no. 7, may be very recent, but all others are doubtless several hundred 
years old even though some of them come from a depth of less than 
a foot. The reason for this opinion is that in 1860 the whole mound 
was covered with bushes exi'cpt at one side where the modern village 
was located. Then- was also a pine tree two feet in diameter near 
the center of the mound. This would indicate that the central portion 
of the mound had undergone little, if any, change and perhaps been 
uninhabited fur several luuidred years. The burials at one end of 
the trench may be of people fr'om the modern village, since they are 
sufticiently distant from the village and yet not far from the beach 
running around the mound. 

The whole mound might possibly have been raised within 1500 
years. If it were very nuich older, one would expect it to have been 
covered with timber instead of bearing one lone pine. Site 68, less 
than a mile distant, was eovrrid with spruce and is a placf around 
which have gathered sevei'al myths. This suggests that it is an older 
mound. Even before it had attained half of its present size, being 
on the center fif the island, it would not be subject to so much devasta- 
tiiJii by high ti(h' sturnis as site 67. Tliei'e can thus ri-ally br but little 
question that site 68 is older than site 67, but it is itself situated on a 
marsh and must also have bern a camping place for a longer or shorter 
period of time before it could have been a ]ilace of permanent resi- 
dence. For this I'cason wi- should expect the oldest mounds of the 
region to be \i\uni thr mainland, say at sites (il or 2:!. 

IH'.MAX i;i:mains 

The remains nf twenty-two individuals were fiiund. Si.x of these 
were bui'ials. Tlir (itln-rs lay in beds of charcoal where they had been 
crenuited. Plate ^'l. figure 12, shows such of the charcoal beds as were 
cut by the viTtii-al phiiie forming the smitlieast wall of the treneh. 
The drptli III' ntlni- eharcoal brds which wen' not eut by this vertical 
plane are indieateil by crosses with arable numi'rals which are the field 
iinmliefs given to the liunian remains. 

Table ') shows Ihi' depth at wliich each of the human remains was 
fiiund; whether iiurietl or bui-ned ; whether of infant, child, or adidt ; 
and the number of artifacts with each. As some of the bodies were 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Arclweology of the Wiyot Territory 351 

more completely incinerated than others, the weight of the uncon- 
sumed fragments is also given. In two cases there was complete incin- 
eration, but the presence of artifacts indicated that a body had been 
cremated. There were several charcoal beds without either human 
bone fragments or artifacts. Some of these may have been places 
where the dead were cremated, but no account was taken of them 
unless they showed positive indications in tliis direction. 

Burial 

The buried remains of four adults and two infants were found 
at the northeast end of the trench and are, it is presumed, compara- 
tively recent, although prehistoric. Tliey were buried near the beach 
rather than toward the center of the mound, where there were more 
bushes. There is perhaps no part of California that did not practice 
cremation at some period,-"* but in many areas, whenever they did 
burj-, the position of the dead was usually in a more or less bent 
position, frequently with the knees drawn up to within six inches 
or so of the chin. The modern Indians about Humboldt bay seem to 
have always buried their dead in a straight position, and the very 
earliest pioneers report seeing a great many graves marked by liead- 
boards and footboards. Eobert Gunther described in somewliat the 
following language the manner of burial at the modern village on 
site 67. 

Six months after the massacre of February 215, 1860, an ox broke through into 
one of the graves, and afforded an opportunity for examination. The Indians 
had chosen what was already a low spot and had scooped it out so as to make the 
bottom of the grave about four feet deep. They had put redwood planks on the 
bottom and sides, then laid in old rags, on which seven of the dead were placed 
side by side together with their belongings. The grave was covered with other 
planks on top of which dirt was placed. 

This seems to have been the usual manner of burial at Humboldt 
bay-''^ previous to the coming of the whites, the chief peculiarities in 
the present instance being the lack of headboards and the unusual 
size of the grave made necessary by the large number of dead. 



2M There is no record of the Eskimo or the Indians of the Columbia river and 
its tributaries ever burning their dead, but it would appear that most other tribes 
of the Pacific coast have at times cremated. For cremation among the following 
see Bancroft's Works: Kenai, i, 134; Copper river, i, 13.5; Mackenzie river, i, 
132; Nehannes, Tacullies, Chimmesyans, and Carriers, I, 125; Nootka, i, 205; 
Vancouver island, iv, 738-39; Coos bay, I, 248. 

265 Stephen Powers (op. cit., p. 99) was told by a pioneer that he had seen hun- 
dreds of graves at some burial grounds, each marked with a redwood slab, which, 
being a very durable wood, made it probable that some of the graves wore seventy- 
five or a hundred years old. These statements agree with the findings of the 
writer after making due allowance for exaggeration. 



352 Cniver.sitji of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlin. [Vol. 14 

Paul Sfliumachcr, while invest igating: for the Smithsouian Insti- 
tution the shellmounds of tlie soiitliern Oregon coast, found a variety 
of ways for the disposal of the dead even within the historic period 
— the period in which glass beads and objects of metal were used. In 
some instances he found conditions approaching those of cremation. 
Possibly a reexamination of the Oregon coast shellmounds might show 
that some of tiie human bones were slightly calcined, indicating that 
hre was used to consume the flesh even though it was extinguished 
before it greatly atfected the bones. At Husteuate, ninety miles north 
of Humboldt bay, Schumacher-''" found eases of burial as described 
below : 

Ou digging, the graves were found to be very shallow, the skeletons being 
interred but one and a half to two feet below the surface. The sides of the 
exeavation were lined with split redwood boards, aljout four feet in length and 
a foot in width, placed edgewise, and reaching to tlie lloor of the grave, which 
was covered with beach-sand to the thickness of about one inch; the width was 
not over two feet, and both ends of the excavation were open, that is to say 
without lining. The corp.ses were found doubled up in the usual manner. . . . 
Ininiediately above the body was placed a board resting ou the lining, to which 
it was secured b}' cobble stones of various sizes, some weighing as much as tifty 
pounds. The graves were then filled up with earth. . . . With babies' skeletons, and 
a young woman 's corpse, we found some much decayeil money-shells. ... A few 
glass beails were also found witli skeletons of grown females. 

Although the main facts regarding each of the i)ui'ials at Gunther 
island are shciwn nn table 5. a few additional notes seem worth while. 

No. 8. Complete skeleton of a person of middle age or older. Eight of the 
teeth had been lost during life and there were six ulceration cavities-sT in the 
jaws. The bones were not very large, indicating that tlie skeleton was probably 
that of a woman. The skeleton lay supine, stretclieil out to a length of 4 feet lO'/i 
inches. 

Xo. 5. A large sized tibia ami tlie bones of the feet. 

No. (i. Skeleton of an adult, probably of a man, as the bones are very stout 
and the skull has a strong supra-orbital ridge. The skeleton was within a foot 
of the surface and in consequence the ribs and both jaws were missing. Complete 



-'•'' Paul Schumacher, op. cit.. p. ,34. 

-'" The great number of ulceration cavities in the two complete skulls found 
in this mound is without parallel in the skulls from any other region knowTi to 
the writer. Becau.se of this fact the query is raised as to whether mouth diseases 
were not unusually prevalent at Humboldt bay, in addition to the scrofulous 
complaints jireviously mentioned. See page 301. Another complete skull from 
Gunther island, jirobably from site 68, illustrated and described by Ales Hrdlicka, 
present series, iv, 49 (i4, l!tO(i, also has apparently four ulceration cavities ami 
possibly six. lu connection with Dr. Hrdlicka 's paper and the confusion between 
two skulls referreil to in the footnote on page .")2, it might be said that skull 
no. 12-81 described as being from "Sandspit, Humboldt Bay," is undoubtedly 
identified correctly. Human bones exposed at site 14 are in a very short time 
bleached and scoured liy drifting sands until they have exactly the appearance 
presented by the skull in question. 



1918] Loud: Etiinogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 353 

field notes auj sketches sliowiug the exact position of this skeleton are lacking. 
On the diagram, plate 12, figure 3, the position of the head is correctly given, but 
for the direction of the feet a somewhat hazy memory is relied upon. However 
it can be asserted that the body was buried supine, stretched at full length. 

No. 7. Complete skeleton of a person of middle age or older, as five teeth 
had been lost during life and half a dozen ulceration cavities filled the jaws. The 
bones were not extra large. The skeleton was found in a supine position stretched 
out to a length of 4% feet. It was a little over two feet below the bottom of 
layer I. As graves were usually dug to a depth of about 2% feet, it is considered 
that this skeleton is merely an intrusion into the older strata of the mound. This 
is the only case of a burial witli which there were any artifacts. Over each 
clavicle, there was a rectangular piece of abalone (pi. 21, fig. 10), both of almost 
exactly the same size, 1 % by 4 inches. On the breast was a red obsidian knife 
(pi. 13, fig. 6). 

No. 21. Femur of a baby a few months old. 

No. 22. Tibia and frontal of an infant just born. 



Cremation 

How long- it lias been since the Indians at Hnmboldt bay changed 
from the practice of cremation to that of burial, has not been 
determined, nor the reason for such a change. The Spaniards who 
discovered Trinidad bay in 1775 said of the Indians there that "they 
observed some strange ceremony, for when a certain Indian died, 
thej- cried out for him, burning him in the palace of the captain, into 
which they permitted none of our men to go during the ceremony, 
but having succeeded in doing this, those who got in found nothing 
in particular. '■-'''* Palace, as translated from the word casa, is doubt- 
less the sweat-house, where ceremonies of various kinds were observed. 
The Spaniards may have been mistaken about the body being cre- 
mated. People living at Eureka at the time of the massacre in 1860 
and seeing fires on Gunther island and at Bueksport, mistakenly 
reported to newspapers^"" that the dead were cremated. In the same 
way the Spaniards seeing smoke issuing from the sweat-house, and 
hearing all the sounds of mourning, might have taken for granted 
that the dead were being cremated. Powers-"" stated that the Yurok 
buried their dead in a recumbent posture, but kept a fire burning 
several nights in the vicinity of the grave. 

As for other peoples to the south and east of the Wiyot, Powers 
stated that the Mattole-"^ cremated, and was infonued that the Whil- 



268 Don Antonio Maurelle, oj). cit. (footnote 27), Madrid edition, 18(i.5. 
260 San Francisco Bulletin, Mar. 2, 13, 18G0; Northern Calif ornian, Feb. 29, 
1860. 

270 Stephen Powers, op. cit., p. 58. 
271J6i(f., p. 110. 



354 Viiiver.iitji of California PuhHcations in Am. Arch, and Elhn. [Vol. 14 

kilt'-''- cremated also but believed that their custom was somewhat 
varied. A Wliilkut burial custom has already been described on 

paK'' 254. 

The manner of eiTination at Humboldt bay seems to have differed 
ill some ri'spcets from that at San Francisco bay and other parts of 
the stale. It is lioi)i'tl that the special points of difference may be 
(li'scril)ed in some fiitiii'e jiapei'. The cremated remains at Ilumljoldt 
bay weri' foniul as a rule in saucer shaped beds of fiiu'ly pulverized 
chai'coal havin;^' a diameter of four or five feet and generally a thick- 
ness of four oi' five inches though sometimes as much as ten inches. 
A few lumjis of ehareoal, which seemed in every case to be of redwood, 
wei'c two to four inches in length. It would appear that the dead 
were burned on a platform above a round liole which had been scooped 
out for a gi'ave and into \\liich the ehai'eoal. unconsumed bones, and 
ai'tifaets fell, in gi'nei';il, nearly all of the lione fi-ag'nients are over 
an inch in length. Skull fragmi'nfs are two to four inches sijmu'e. 
\'ertebi'ae are oflen neai'ly whole exee|)t for their projections. See- 
lions (if femni's, (•s|)i'cially the proximal ends, are found four to six 
iiirhes ill length. 'I'licsc lioiic fragments are generally calcined only 
on one sidi' and arc found in one linear series extending for a length 
of about three feel, llie bones liclow the knee usually being wholly 
consuiind. 

Ill the case of remains nos. l(i and 17 the beds of charcoal were 
not circular liul rectangular, two fi'tt widr by five feet long. This 
means that I'cclangiilar graves were dug, above which the dead were 
liiiriied. These two beds of charcoal were the only ones where there 
were hiiiiian bones without artil'aets in association. An examination 
of talili' .') and piali' 12 will show tliat 4'- fi'et is the gi'catest depth 
at which circular charcoal beds were found. < )f the two rectangular 
beds, one was three inehes higher than this level, the other a foot 
lower. Hence it is possilile that ri'iiiains nos. Ki and 17 represent an 
I'arlicr ]ieriod of linir when crciiial ioii was ]iractice(l but the ciistom 
differed somewhat from that of a later tiiin'. The absence of artifacts 
ill till' rcctaiigiiiar charcoal bi-ds and si'arcity of artifacts below the 
IK. foot le\-el makes it iiii possilili' to say whether or not the earlier 
period was culturally distinct in otiiei- respects. 

I'aiil Schiiiiiac4ii'r, while I'xeavating in a iiioiind near the month 
of Pistol river one liundred miles north of llniiiboldt bay, describes 
the dis)iosal of the dead as follows:-'^ 



27^ Ibid., p. 88. 

2'^ I'aiil RcliiiMi.-iclicr, op. cit., p. :!" 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 355 

Doubled up, the skeletons were resting near the wall of the excavation [wall 
of the house-pit], and faced the fire-place. ... In one instance, two skeletons were 
found buried in one house . . . the earth covering the skeletons was strongly mixed 
with charcoal, pieces of charred Wood, fragments of animal bones, and shells 
blackened and partially consumed by fire. On the floor on which the skeletons 
rested was found a layer of ashes several inches in thickness. But the fire had 
not affected the skeletons, as in no instance was any such damage observed, and 
even the remains of matting, furs, and other similar perishable material were not 
injured by it. It seems, therefore, evident that the hut was demolished by fire, 
after the owner had expired, and was buried in the ruins, covered with rubbish 
and earth surrounding his house. Except some glass beads found with a female 
skull and three roughly cast copper buttons with that of a male, nothing was 
unearthed that had apparently been deposited with the dead. 

In addition to the main facts given in table 5, the following notes 
regarding each of the cremated human remains are presented. The 
order of arrangement is the order in which the remains were located 
in the trench from the northeast to the southwest end. 

No. 4. About half of the bone fragments were not calcined. The heads of 
the femurs were in their sockets in the pelvis. Many of the vertebrae were in line. 
A scapula was found, but not a single fragment of the skull. A fine black 
obsidian knife, 13^^ inches in length, broken into eight pieces, was at the left 
side. Arrow points and other artifacts were near the pelvic bones. 

No. 3. The charcoal bed with these remains, overlapped charcoal beds nos. 4 
and 2, but there was no difSeulty in keeping the artifacts and bone fragments 
from these beds apart. The remains consist of the proximal ends of the femurs, 
pelvic bones, a number of vertebrae, and one tooth but no sign of any fragment 
of the skull. Near the pelvis was a large pestle and eleven sinkers. 

No. 2. Eight or ten vertebrae, a few small limb fragments, and one tooth 
belonging to a child, found with a remarkable assemblage of artifacts consisting 
of a stone pipe over nine inches long, fourteen arrow points, a girdled stone, and 
a black obsidian knife lOVa inches long. This child was sent on his way certainly 
well equipped. Such articles are not often found with the remains of children, 
but are usually considered as the possession of a shaman or man of wealth. 

Lying partly beneath remains no. 2 and partly beneath no. 3 was an unusual 
bed of baked clay which has been described on page 346. It did not necessarily 
have any relationship to the human remains. 

No. 1. Fragments of skull, humerus, ulna, femurs, etc., only partially calcined, 
along with a stone adze handle, two white flint ceremonial blades, and other 
artifacts. The charcoal bed containing these articles is not cut by the vertical 
plane shown in plate 12, figure 2, but two other charcoal beds close by at some- 
what greater depths are cut by the vertical plane and are shown on the diagram. 
The two latter beds showed no signs of human remains. 

No. 12: The bones, but partially calcined, indicated an adult of large size. 
There were half a dozen bone fragments of an elk in the same charcoal bed. With 
the possible exception of remains no. 8, near which were some elk bones, this was 
the only indication that food was offered to the dead, and even in these cases 
the evidence was not positive. The artifacts, ceremonial blades, and clay balls 
found with no. 12, indicate a man of wealth. 

No. 14. A few fragments of a femur, vertebrae, and skull. The artifacts 
found with these remains make a total of 112 objects, or nearly as many as were 



35G University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etini. [Vol. 14 

foutiil witli all the otiier huinnu remains ooinbined. Anioug the most uotable 
objects were a great many clay balls of almost uniform size, and a ceremonial 
war-club or "slave-killer." No artifacts were found elsewhere at a greater depth 
in association with human remains. Tlie charcoal bed had a thickness of ten 
inches. 

No. l.j. In this case tlicre was a bed of cliarcoal sli^jhtly overlapping remains 
no. 14. Tliere was uot a single trace of any human bone, liut there were four 
artifacts. 

No. Ki. Fragments of a femur (iVi inches in length, besides a few small 
fragments of the skull, pelvic Inmes, etc., scarcely at all calcined, found in a 
rectangular bed of charcoal containing no artifacts. 

No. 10. A fairly large adult, as judged by a seven-inch fragment of a femur. 
Tlie remainder of tlje liones were broken into somewhat smaller fragments which 
were scarcely at all calcined. There were no artifacts in immediate association 
with the bones for there were two charcoal beds, one directly above the other, 
separated by three or four inches of sand. In the lower bed of charcoal there 
were no human bones liut a great numy olive shell beads and a couple of other 
objects. 

No. 18. Partially calcineil. eight-inch fragment of the fenuir of a young 
person, along with an oljsidian knife, a chiy ball, and a pair of abaloue pendants. 

No. il. A few bone fragnu'uts, including a piece of a fairdy large femur. In 
a limited area aroun<l tlie p(dvic Ijones were found several beautiful obsidian 
blades, dentalium shells, olive shell lieads, carbonized pine nut beads, Viburnum- 
seed beads, and other things. A little to one side were a heap of carbonized 
basketry, slag, a knife, and so fmth. 

No. 19. After the trench had Ijeeii dug as deep as time allowed, tlie pi'r]ien- 
dicular walls were undermined and, at a distance of about three feet from the 
pelvis of remains no. 9, tlie pelvic bones of another individual were found, along 
with a nine-inch piece of a medium sized femur, many skull fragments, vertebrae, 
etc., in fact, a large part of a skeleton Init partially calcined. Some of the finest 
artifacts of the whole excavation were founil with these remains. These artifacts 
include a beautifully shaped "slavi-killer," several obsidian ceremonial l)ladcs 
lone of which, a reil oiu-, is estimated to have had an original length of nearly 
sixteeu inches i, a sti'atite jiijie, a clay ]iil"', two pestles, two mauls, .huitalium 
shell, olive shell brads, carbonized ]iine nut beails, carliouized I'i7jiu/i»Hi-seed 
beads, and so on. Tlir (d.jects with remains nos. 9 and 19, tliough sejiarated from 
each other enough to prevent much chance of mixing, were surrounded liy a single 
charcoal bed over seven feet in diameter. 

No. 11. The human renuiins consisteil of oidy one tooth of a child. The 
accompanying artifacts were two sludl ornaments an.l four carbonizeil pine nut 
beads. 

No. b'>. Tlieri' w;is hi-re a eiimplete incineration of a human skeleton, li-aving 
nothing but a half dozen artifacts. 

No. 17. A very few fragments of lindi bones, etc., nearly all calcined, founri 
in a rectangular bed of charcoal containing no artifacts. 

No. -0. A very few small calcined boue fragments, presumably lunuau, 
found witli two iH'stles. two m.Muls, and a mimlier of bone artifacts among a small 
amount of ashes and cliarcoal ujion ;i hard baked clay floor previously described 
on Jjage 34H. 



1918] Loud: Ethiwgeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 357 

MATERIAL CULTURE 
Chipped Implements 

A total of eighty-eight chipped objects of obsidian, chert, and other 
stone were found in association with twelve of the human remains. 
These can be classified into a dozen types of implements a.s shown on 
table 7. In addition to the chipped implements in association with 
human remains, there were five specimens not in such a.ssociation. 
Tliese were a fragment of a red obsidian blade found at a depth of 
one foot, a fragment of a black obsidian blade at a depth of nine 
inches, two small greenish chert knives at deptlis of six inches, and a 
scraper at a depth of nine inches. 

Ohsidian Ceremonial Bhidcs. — Under this heading will be men- 
tioned objects variously known as ceremonial blades, knives, or swords, 
chipped from black or red obsidian and having a length of 17 centi- 
meters or more. The use of these on the Klamath river and elsewhere 
in the White Deerskin dance and in the Woodpecker or Jumping dance 
is quite fully described by H. N. Rust and A. L. Kroeber in the Amer- 
ican Anthropologist for 1905. As nothing was learned by the vn"iter 
regarding the use of these im]ilements at Humboldt bay, and as 
nothing is known of the dance ceremonies practiced by the Wiyot, 
the reader is referred to this article for further infoi-mation.-"'' No 
doubt the Wiyot or their predecessors accounted these knives as 
objects indicative of the wealth and rank of their possessors much 
like the modern Indians on the Klamath and Trinity. The detailed 
description of six specimens made from black obsidian follows, a 
typical example being illustrated on plate 13, figure 1. 

Five specimens of black obsidian blades ivere found, which were complete or 
nearly complete. The lengtli of these (after adding a little in two cases for 
broken tips) is 272 mm., 280 nun., 342 mm., 347 mm., and 410 mm. They were 
found in association mth cremated human remains nos. 2, 4, 9, 12, and 14, the 
shortest one being at the greatest depth, 4.8 feet, and the longest one nearest the 
surface, 1.3 feet deep. The extreme variation in width of the specimens is 11 mm., 
the average being 53 mm. All are double pointed and the edges are in general 
nearly parallel throughout most of their length, but sometimes the blade is very 



2T4 For description and illustration of similar knives from the Santa Barbara 
region, southern California, see C. C. Abbott in. G. W. Wheeler, Report on U. S. 
Geog. Surv. West of the Hundredth Meridian, vil. 49-(;9, 1879. The loiigest and 
finest specimen of this type known is illustrated by W. K. Mooreliead in Stone 
Age in North America, 1910, I. 97. The legend written on the sjx'cinu'n and 
shown in the photographic reproduction is "Soniesbar, Salmon River, Siskiyou 
County, California. 5" x 30", 101 oz. " A second specimen, also ilhistrnteil, from 
the same locality is 22 inches long and weighs fi8 ounces. The longest specimen 
obtained by the present ^vriter at Gunther island (pi. 13, fig. 1), is nearly Ifi 
inches long and weighs about 13 ounces. 



358 Universitji of Calif iirnia PuhUcutions in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol.14 

sliglitlj' coustricU'il in tlic opiiti-T. Tlio variatiim iu thickness is not great, the 
average being 14 mm. In ailditiou to the more complete specimens one small 
fragment was found. 

Eight spi'ciiiicus of the red obsidian blade, or rather variegated red 
and blacli, were found. One of the.se (pi. 13, fig. 6), is of (juite dif- 
fei'cnt type from the othervs, differing mainly in being narrower and 
having more pointed ends. It is 211 nnu. long, 30 mm. wide, and 
from 8 nnn. to 1'2 mm. in thickness. It was found with a skeleton, 
no. 7, at a dejilh (if three feet. This was tlie only case in which 
unerematcd human remains h;id any artifacts in association with 
them, and a different custom of disposing of tlie dead may acccnint 
for the diiferem-e in thr typi' of artifact. 

Six otiicr specimens of red obsidian blades belong to the same 
type as tlie black ones ]ire\'iously mentioned. Besides these, a small 
fragment scarcely an inch long, found with remains no. 4, is consid- 
ered as Vicing un(|ui'sti(iiiably of the same type. Following is a de- 
tailed description of the si.x larger si)ecimens. Plate 13, figure 2, 

illustrates one of these. 

Three complete specimens liaving lengths of 171 mm., 190 mm., and 282 mm., 
wcio found iu association with human remains nos. 14, 9, and 19 at depths of 
from ]..'! to 4.8 feet. One fragment 160 mm. long with remains no. 9 is judged 
to liavo had an original length of 215 mm. A second fragment 305 mm. long 
with remains no. 19 is juilged to have had an original length of 380 to 400 mm. 
A third fragment four inclies long was not associateil with any human remains. 
The extreme variation in width of these si.x siiecimcns is only 12 mm., the average 
width being 47 mm. The average thickness is 10 mm. 

The red obsidian blades like the black ones are douljle pointeil and their 
edges are nearly parallel, except for the largest specimen which has a very slight 
constriction in the center, from which fact we are able to make an estimate of its 
original length before lieing broken. None of the specimens, either rcil or black, 
show a constriction ••my more jironounced than in the specimens illustrated in the 
article of Rust and Krocljcr previously mentiimrd. A remarkable uniformity is 
seen in the width of lioth the red and the black blades, but owing to the difficulties 
of chipping, it would be hard to maintain a uniform thickness even though it were 
desired. However, the extreme variation in tliickness is only 7 mm. 

lUii(h<< (1)1(1 Kidnx (if White Flint. — The tyjie of im))lement desig- 
nated as ceremonial blades of whiti' flint is a species of knifi' remark- 
able for its width in in-opoi'tion to its length. (Vimpletc specimens of 
this type are twii ni' more inches wide and four or more inches long. 
E.xactlj' what iiosilimi this white tliiit sliouhl occupy in nuneralogy 
has not been ascei-lained, but from llii' shape of various specimens 
frdiii the Klaiiialh riser regidii it wmild appear tliat it is of sneli a 
nalure that it is easily worki'd intii vei'y liroad, thin imiilemeids. At 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the TViyot Territory 3o9 

the same time the same, or a similar mineral, by a different method of 
chipping, can be made into drills-" having a triangular cross-section. 
The three most complete specimens of blades made from white flint 
are illustrated on plate 13, figures 3 and 4, and on plate 14, figure 1. 
The description follows: 

Museum no. 1-18061 (pi. 13, fig. 3), found in association witli Imnian remains 
no. 1. Dimensions: 206 nun. long, 85 mm. wide, and 9 mm. thick iu the center. 
Museum no. 1-18070 (pi. 13, fig. 4), found in association with human remains 
no. 12. Dimensions: 125 mm. long, 55 mm. wide, and 7 mm. thick in the center. 

Museum no. 1-18217 (pi. 14, fig. 1), found iu association with human remains 
no. 9, is an implement of considerably different type from the other two speci- 
mens, but, owing to its fragmentary condition, we are unable to determine its 
original shape. It has a width of 50 mm. and a tliickness of 10 mm. 

Besides the above described specimens there were three other frag- 
mentary specimens, apparently of the broad type, found in associa- 
tion with human remains nos. 1, 13, and 15. In table 7, seven speci- 
mens of white flint are listed under the heading "knives." Most of 
these were poorly worked or quite fragmentary, and apparently of no 
great width. 

Single Pointed Knives. — Of eight specimens three were of black 
obsidian, the others of chert. Those best preserved are described as 
follows : 

Two obsidian knives, Mus. no. 1-18234 (pi. 13, fig. 7) and no. 1-18235, were 
in association with human remains no. 19. Both are of nearly the same dimen- 
sions, being 52 mm. wide, 10 mm. thick, and having an original length estimated to 
have been 140 mm. before the specimens were broken. They differ from the larger 
ceremonial blades in being thinner, in having perfectly straight bases, and when 
looked at edgewise are seen to be slightly crooked. 

Museum no. 1-18212 (pi. 13, fig. 8), found with human remains no. 18, is 
made from obsidian, is rounded at one end, and very bluntly pointed at the other. 
Dimensions: 111 mm. long, 53 mm. wide, and 15 mm. thick near the pointed end. 
The object has the appearance of having been worked from a fragment broken 
from a ceremonial blade. The central portion of the sides is tarnished from 
exposure, while the edges and both ends show signs of fresh chipping. There 
even seem to be faint signs of a third retouching. The point seems too blunt, too 
thick, and too coarsely chipped, to serve any very useful purpose, but all the other 
edges are sharp. 

Museum no. 1-18216 (pi. 13, fig. 9), found with human remains no. 9, is a 
handsome specimen of grayish and horn colored chert. It has a rounded base and 
is 131 mm. long, 48 mm. wide, and 11 mm. thick. 

Museum no. 1-18071, made of a variegated greenish and brown chert, was 
found with human remains no. 12. Dimensions: 113 mm. long, 35 mm. wide, and 
9 mm. thick. 



2'5 The mineral may possibly be what is known as argillite or porcellanite, a 
form of clay slate or clay schist. A Yana Indian seeing a specimen of porcel- 
lanite in a museum show case said that it was the material from which drills 
were made. 



300 Vnircrsiti/ of California Puhlications in Am. Arch, and Etiin. [Vol. 14 

Museum uii. 1-18.';08 (pi. 13, fig. 5) is a greenish i-liert knife ."lO mm. iu leugth, 
a small portion of the base being broken off. A similar knife Hi) mm. in length, 
was also fonml, l)oth being at a depth of only six inches. 

Scnipi rs. — Twi) spceiiuriis wvvr foiiiul wIiIl-Ii are considered sci'ap- 
crs, one made fidiu red olisidiaii. and the other from brown chert. 
Thrir di'sei'i])tiiin is as folhjws: 

One fragment of a red obsidian scraper (Mns. no. 1-18010) was found in 
association with remains no. 4. So large a portion has been broken off that the 
attempted re.storation of its outline as shown in text figure 2 should not Ijc taken 
too implicitly. Tlie oljject has a leugth of 57 mm. and a thickness of 9 mm. 

Museum no. 1-18310 (pi. 15, lig. 5) is a chocolate colored chert scraper found 
at a depth of nine inches. It has a length of 3(i mm. Its comparatively great 
thickness, 6 mm. towards the base, would indicate that it is not an unfinished 
arrow jioint. 



Fill. 2. R<-r:ipor. No. 1-18010. One-half natural size. 

Spriir I'oiitts. — Xothinu' was t'lmnd which ciinkl with any certainty 
he (■(uisidrrcd as a siirav ])iiiiit. Two specimens, tiji'urcs 8 and 9 of 
jilatc 14, ai'c Idiii;' ciiouiih t'oi' spcai' points, hnt are considered to he 
drills. An <ilisidian fraoiucnt 4.1 mm. h)nj;'. I'mmd with human remains 
no. ;i, has a somewhat closer i'esend)lance to a spear point. 

J>ri!ls. — Eijiht objects were fonnd wliich are considered to be 
drills. All of them are illnstrated on jdate 14. Five of them, fig-iires 
(S to 12, are made nf a variity of wliiti' Hint wiiich is a favorite for 
drill making;' in various rei^idns of the west. One, tiiiiire 14, i.s of 
bi'own colored cliert, and two, tii^'ures lo and 1-3, are made of black 
otisidiaii. Fiv<' of the specimens were found iu association with 
liuiiiau remains no. 14. 1lic others with remains nos. 4 and I'l. A more 
delailed descriplion of each drill follows: 

Figure 8 (Miis. mi. 1 IS^iil i is liuig riiougli fur a spear iioint, but it lacks 
a good cutting ci\'^r and near tlie jmint it is 9 mm. tliii-k or nearly .-is thick as it is 
wide. 

I''igure !) (Mils. no. 1 18111) lias .-i better cutting edge tli:in tlie last but it is 
8 mm. thick, wliich makes it rather too heavy for an arrow. 

Kigure 10 (Mus. no. 1-18014) has a rather thin delicate point for a drill but 
can hardly be referred to any otlier class of imideiueiit, unless it is an unfinished 
specimen. 



1918] Lovd: Ethnogeograpliy and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 361 

Figure 11 (Mus. no. 1-18114) and figure 15 (Mus. no. l-lSlOlj) are triangular 
in cross-section, wliile figure 12 (Mus. no. 1-18105), figure 13 (Mus. no. 1-18104), 
and figure 14 (Mus. no. 1-18012) are lenticular in cross-section, having a thickness 
lialf or .two-thirds as great as the width. 

AiTow Pvints. — Twenty-five specimens of black obsidian arrow 
points were found in association with several human remains as shown 
in table 7. They varied in length from 12 mm. to 46 mm. The 
shorter ones have a form similar to that shown in plate 15, figure 7, 
while the larger ones are shaped more like that shown in plate 14, 
figure 5. Two obsidian arrow points are illustrated on plate 14, fig- 
ure 4, showing the more typical form and size, while figure 7 is an 
object of rather nniciue form found in association with human 
remains no. 14. 

Fourteen arrow points made of white flint were obtained. Most 
of these are of medium size and are more or less fragmentary. One 
specimen, Mus. no. 1-18112 (pi. 14, fig. 6), found with human remains 
no. 14, has a single notch in the center of the base. Witli this excep- 
tion all of the complete specimens have a rather wide stem, with a 
notch at each side, and medium sized barbs. Museum no. 1-18109 
(pi. 14, fig. 5) is an unusually lengthened form. 

Of chert arrow points, five specimens were found. Two are illus- 
trated on plate 14, figures 2 and 3. Museum no. 1-18107 (pi. 14, 
fig. 2), found witli luiman remains no. 14, is the only one of a par- 
ticular type found in the excavation. The type is common at sites 10 
and 34. The specimen is very thin, having a thickness of only 3 mm., 
and has verj- long barbs. These characteristics are considered as the 
essential features of an Oregonian tj'pe of arrow point whieli will be 
mentioned again when the artifacts from various other sites are dealt 
with. 

Objects Made of Sa7idsto-ne 

Under this heading will be described 110 specimens, mainly 
sinkers, mauls, and pestles with a few other objects. Slighth' over 
one-quarter of these specimens were in association with human re- 
mains, the others being scattered at various depths down to six feet. 
In reality eight of the sinkers listed in the tables under the heading 
"sandstone" were made of chert, granite, or porphj-ry, but as tlicy do 
not differ in form from the sandstone sinkers, thej' are not separated 
from this type of artifact. 

Pestles. — The fifteen specimens found are all in a broken or frag- 
mentary condition, but it was possible to cement the pieces together 



3C2 University of California I'uhlicntions in Am. Arch, and EIIdi. [Vol.14 

SO as to luaki' two uoinpli'tc spcciiiirns and one nearly complete. They 
fan he desei'ibed as belongiuy to two slig'htly different types, namely, 
tlang'ed, and not flanged. Three specimens belong to the first type, 
one to tlie second tyjie, while the other eleven are too fragmentary to 
be di'finitely placed witli either type. 

The flanged pestle, whose distinguishing feature is the flange or 
ring near tlie bottom, is particularly described as follow.s: 

Museum no. l-]802li (jil. ]<i, li^;'. 1) was fouml iu association with liiuiuui 
remains uo. 3. It lias bri'ii liiokcM by the heat of the fire into thirty jjieees, but 
when ccmeuted together ^vas 4-47 iiiiii. in lengtli aud weighed six pounds. It has a 
giMitly tapering top ending in a liliiut point. A little above the base it has a 
ilango or ring. Here the jiestle has a diameter of 72 mm. or 4 mm. greater than 
the diameter just below the flange. The pestle is symmetrically made from a 
very hard, close grained, dark gray sandstone, and is well polished. 

A second nearly complete specimen was found with huniau remains no. 19, 
while a third fragment found at a depth of five feet w^ould indicate that this type 
is nut contini'd to the iiioi-e recent sti'ata of the moun*l. 

As a lisiiai Ihiiiji' pcsth's of this t\pe al'i' piiiuted at thi' top, thoiijiii 
sonjetimes the tup appears to have bi'eii lirokeii off and then sniootiied 
over. Nearly all of tlieiii, as well as tiie mauls, sinkers, and adze 
handles found iu Wiyot tei-ritory, are composed oi a very hard, close 
grained sandstone. Several tine recent specimens fi'om the Klamath 
and Trinity rivers ai'e in I he nniscnm. These are remarkable not 
alone on account of the rini;' and i;real length, but also on account of 
Iheir symmetry auel exipiisite black polish. Two of them arc shown 
in outline on page 1389 iu te.xt figures 11 ami 12 aud are here described 
I'oi' sake of comjiarisou. 

Figure 11, mus. no. l-ll(i7(i, obtained at Weitchpec on the Klamath, is G(i3 mm. 
long, aud the longest in the ccdiection. Weight: ll^j pounds. Diameter at the 
ilange, 87 mm. (ireatest diameter liclciw the flange, 72 nnn. 

Figure 12, nuis. no. ]-Slii, ohtaini'd in Hupa valley. Length, 471 mm. Diam- 
eter at the flange, '.10 mm., wliich is 3U mm. greater than the diameter below the 
)lang.\ 

This tyjie of ]ies1le oceui-s frdiii a little to Uie south of Cajie I\Ieu- 
docino nortlnvai'd thniiighont the Wiyot, Yurok, and Hupa territory. 
Memorial Museum, (ioldi'n (late Park, San Francisco, has several 
flanged pestles fi-oin Curry connly, Ori'gou, essi'Utially of the same 
type, only not so well polished. The northern limit of the type is 
iniknowu. 

The pestles fmui the rinrin eultui'c area to the soiilh are poinled 
at the top, but have bulbous bases without I'ings. In the shellmounds 
at San l<'i'ancisco bay and on the Sania IJai'bara islands aud adjacent 
mainland, pestles with flanges have bei'ii found, but these are of an- 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeograpliy and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 363 

otlier tj-pe entirely, being generality only three to six inches long and 
having the flange at the top rather than at the bottom of the pestle. 
The pestle found in the excavation at Gunther island which had 
no flange is described as follows : 

Museum no. 1-18251 was found in association witli human remains no. 19. 
Length 365 mm. Diameter 74 mm. Weight 5 pounds 10 ounces. It has a taper- 
ing top, is very symmetrical, but is not smoothly polLshed, the marks made by 
pecking showing over its surface like the marks of smallpox. It has been broken 
by the heat of the fire at the time of cremation into fifteen pieces. There is really 
but little difference between this pestle and the type already described except that 
it lacks the flange. 

3Iauls. — An implement well represented in the mound is the maul 
used with elkhorn wedges in splitting out house planks and in driving 
stakes for fish traps. There were three complete specimens and 
eighteen fragments found. Nearlj' all came from the upper three 
feet in the excavation, but several were from lower depths, one being 
found at a depth of 51^4 ff'it. Three specimens are illustrated on 
plate 16. These are particularly described as follows : 

Museum no. 1-18269 (pi. 16, fig. 3), found in association with human remains 
no. 20, is 172 mm. long and 90 mm. in diameter, and weighs 3% pounds. It is 
very symmetrical and has a neat expansion at the top. Three of the fragmentary 
specimens showed a like expansion at the handle end. 

Museum no. 1-18254 (pi. 16, fig. 4), found in association with human remains 
no. 19, is 271 mm. long, 115 mm. in diameter, and weighs 7 pounds. The handle 
is well rounded and polished but less care was bestowed upon the bulbous part, 
it being somewhat triangular in cross-section. It was broken by heat into a dozen 
fragments. There was another complete specimen and seven fragments which 
lacked the expansion at the top. 

Museum no. 1-18504 (pi. 16, fig. 5) is a boulder partly fashioned into a maul 
when it accidentally split longitudinally. It is of interest as showing a stage 
in the process of manufacture. 

The museum has a considerable collection of mauls fi'om the 
Klamath river varying much in form and size, the heaviest weighing 
7% pounds. The}' are made of various kinds of stone, such as sand- 
stone, steatite, porphyry, and granite, while all of those from Wij'ot 
territory are of sandstone, except one fragment of granite found near 
the surface. Some of these mauls resemble in shape the poi pounders 
of the Hawaiian islands. Similar implements occur in Oregon, Wash- 
ington, and British Columbia,-"' though sometimes described as 
pestles. 



270 H. J. Splnden, The Nez Perce Indians, Mem. Am. Aiitlir. Assoc, ii, 185, 
1908 ; H. I. Smith, Archaeology of the Yakima Valley, Autlir. Papers Am. Mus. 
Nat. Hist., VI, 40-44, 1910; Archacologv of the Thompson River Region, Mem. 
Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., ii, 413, 1900; Slicll-heaps of the Lower Frazer River, ibid., 
IV, 156, 1903. 



364 University of California Pwoiications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

Adze Handles. — Six six'fimeiis of the stone adze handle were 
fonnd, all but the two shown on i)late 16 being fragmentary. They 
were at depths varying from a few inches to 2% feet, only one being 
in association with human remains. This implement, characteristic 
of northwestern (.'aliforiiia, is made serviceable by l>iiuling to it a cut- 
ting blade made fi'om bone, horn. Hint, or shell, which was replaced by 
metal after the coming of the cai-ly voyagers. Though numerous 
chisels and gouges made of bcine and hdrii wen- found throughout the 
trench, none were in association with handles. The niannei' nf attach- 
ing the blade to the handle is illustrated in volumr 1 of the present 
series, plate 3, to which the reader is referred. Tlie adze was used in 
jdaning wood somewhat as tiie carpenter's plane is used, except that 
the implement is drawn towai'ds the jx'rson instead of being pushed. 
The recurved portion serves for tlie handhold. Quite diiferent types 
of adzes have been desci'ibed by Smitir'' from the Yakima region and 
by Xiblack-''" from Ilaida and Tsimshian territory. 

Disk-shapi d Siithirs. — Fifty disk-shajied sinkers, fourteen in asso- 
ciation with human ivmains, were found in fairly even proportions at 
all de])ths. They wei'c made mainly fi'om sandstone jiebbles by notch- 
ing tile edges, never tin' ends as in the case of similar siidiers from the 
Yakima valley, thougli a few had marks on tlie ends of such nature 

as to indicate that they iiad I n |iiit to a second use as hammer stones. 

Five were made from disk sliaped pebbles of chert, two of granite, 
and one of poi-]ihyry. There is no great variation, eitlier in size or 
other respect, from the one shown in jilate 17, figure 7. The size 
varies from 50 mm. to Ml^ nun. in long diameter, and from 1.1 to 5.5 
ounces in weight. 

Oirdlid Stums. — Plate 17. tigui'es Sk and 86, illustrates one of five 
similar olijects. Only one was in association with human remains. 
One was at a dejith of ."i-'j feet, the othei's at depths of one to two feet. 
These stones vary from .")4 mm. to (J)! mm. in h-ngtli and from 3.1 to 4.8 
o\nices in weight. Tliey are not natural pebbles, but were shaped 
liy picking and have a groove encircling them. There is no rea.son 
why tiiey could not be used as sinkers, yet the writer is not inclined 
to regard them as such. When the disk-shajied pebble is seen to have 
bi'i'n used so extensively as a sinker, not alone in the excavated mound, 
but throughout the Wiyot and Yurok territory, the presence of only 



-"' H. I. Smitli, Ari-]i;i<'uluyy of the Yakima Vallej', op. cit.. ]i. (i4. 
•-"'■A. P. iSril)lai-k, Coast Indians of Southorn Alaska and Xortlierii British 
Coliiml)ia, Report U. S. Js'at. Miis. 1888, p. 279 (1890). 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the JViyot Territory 365 

five of these girdled stones leads to the belief that they had some other 
use. The ordinary sinker found in the shellmounds of the San Fran- 
cisco bay region is a natural pebble girdled, but there are a number 
of specimens similar to the girdled stoues of Humboldt bay. Several 
similar objects have been obtained in Butte county in the Sacramento 
valley. One of these (Mus. no. 1-19586) was made of translucent 
quartz and polished perfectly smooth, groove and all. Because of its 
small size (longest diameter 42 mm., weight 2 ounces) as well as the 
care expended in making it, it should perhaps be regarded as a charm- 
stone or some ceremonial object. 

Museum no. 1-18526 (pi. 17, fig. 9) is a remarkably symmetrical 
granite stone, apparently natural shape except for the encircling 
groove. It is 93 mm. in greatest diameter, and weighs 16.3 ounces. 
It was found on the beach opposite the recent village at site 67. 

Hammer Sto-nes. — Seven hammer stones have been listed in table 8. 
To this number could be added six others, already mentioned, which 
have been classed as disk-shaped sinkers. The notches on their edges 
show that they had been used as sinkers, while marks on their ends 
prove that they had also been put to a secondary use as hammer 
stones. One oblong fiat hammer stone (Mus. no. l-18575a) is only 
48 mm. in length and weighs 1.6 ounces. Such a hammer stone could 
only be used in very light work, such as breaking up flint, or perliaps 
in fashioning implements by pecking. Two larger hammer stones 
(Mus. nos. 1-18515 and 1-18575&) are similar in shape and size to 
that shown in plate 17, figure 6, being 123 mm. long. The heaviest 
weighs 13.4 ounces. 

Anvil or Mortar. — No mortars, either whole or fragmentary, were 
found, except one fragment of an irregular flattish stone showing a 
shallow mortar-like depression at least nine centimeters in diameter. 
This may have been either an anvil or a stone used as a mortar in con- 
nection with a basket hopper. 

Problematical Stone Object. — One object was found whose use is 
not known, but which might be regarded as an ornamental pendant. 
Its description follows : 

Museum no. 1-18118 (pi. 17, fig. 5), found with human remains no. 14. 
Length 71 mm., breadth 38 mm., thickness 20 mm. Edges show rough pecking 
marks, but the flat sides are well polished, which would lead to the belief that it 
had been used as an abrading implement or smoothing stone, such as is employed 
in pottery making, were it not for a mark at one end made apparently to accom- 
modate an encircling string. 



366 Viiirers'tt!/ of Culifornia Puhlications in Atn. Arch, and Ellin. [Vol.14 

Objects of Steatite and Slate 

The objects made of steatite and slate are not mmierous. They 
include two pipes, a fragment of a steatite dish, three slave-killers, 
and four fragments of slave-killers. 

Stone Pipes. — One clay pipe was obtained, which will be described 
under another lieading, and two pipes made of steatite. The descrip- 
tion of the stone pipes is as follows : 

Museum no. 1-18038 (pi. 17, fifjs. la ami \l>), found in association with human 
remains uo. 2. Loufjtli 240 mm., diameter 24 mm. Museum no. 1-182.39 (id. 17, 
tig. 2), found with liuman remains uo. 19. Length 108 mm., diameter 22 mm. 

These ])ipcs show great extremes in lengtii, but are in no respect 
ditt'ei'eiit frum ihe majority of stone pipes found in northern Cali- 
fornia among the modern Indians. There are at least two species of 
tobacco iiuligenous to northei-n California, Nicotiana bigelovii and 
Nicoliaiia (itt(niiiitii. hutli of which were used liy the Indians. The 
Spanisii discoverers of Trinidad iiay said that the Indians "used 
tol)acco, whicli tlie\' smoked in small wooden pijjes, in form of a trum- 
pet, and procured from little gardens where tliey planted it."-''' 

Stone Di.'ih. — A fragment of a steatite disli (pi. 16, fig. 6), found 
at a depth of 2i/o feet, had at some time Ikh'u subjected to so much 
licat that it had changed fi'om its original condition of softness to one 
of extreme hardness, with the rcsidt that it was with some difficulty 
recognized as being made of steatite. The disli was well shajicd inside 
and out, having a maximum tliickness of 22 mm. Before being broken 
it must liave liad a diameter of some 20 or 2') centimetres. Steatite 
dishes, generally elliptical in fdi'in, and having a long diameter of 
fi-om two inches to over two feet, arc (piite c'innnon in the lower 
Klamath river region. 

Sl(iv( -kill( rs. — Plate IS shows several objects bchmging to a class 
of implements vai'iously described as liatons, war-elul>s, stone hatchets, 
battle axes, tomahawks, and slave-killers. Though there is such a 
great diversity of forms throughout North America, these objects 
should all be ri'gardcil as only moditications of one fundamental class 
<if implement used either for killing or in ceremony. If an exhaustive 
study of the subject could be made, it is possible that intermediate 
forms could be found to connect the more eccentric tyjies. On the 
Alaska coast and southward, where slavery was an establislied insti- 
tution, cei'taiii clubs have been designated as slave-killers. Niblack 



-■'■I Don Antonio Maurello, op. cit. (see footnote 27 of present paper), Bar- 
riugton edition, p. 489. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 3fi7 

describes the killiug of slaves iu southern Alaska, especially in the 
region of the Queen Charlotte islands, in the following words r*" 

Simpson estimates that in 1841 one-third of the entire population of this 

region were slaves of the most helpless and abject description Slaves did all 

the drudgery; fished for their owner; strengthened his force in war; were not 
allowed to hold property or to marry; and when old and worthless were killed. 
The master 's power was unlimited. ... In certain ceremonies it was customary to 
give several slaves their freedom; but at funerals of chiefs, or in ceremonies 
attending the erection of a house by a person of consequence, slaves were killed. 
Slaves sacrificed at funerals were chosen long before the death of their master 
and were supposed to be peculiarly fortunate, as their bodies attained the dis- 
tinction of cremation, instead of being thrown into the sea. Simpson (1841) 
says of Chief Shakes at Wrangel, that he was "said to be very cruel to his slaves, 
whom he frequently sacrificed in pure wantonness, in order to show how great a 
man he was. On the recent occasion of a house-warming, he exhibited, as a part 
of the festivities, the butchery of five slaves. "... The practice of killing slaves 
in ceremonies and for reparation in quarrels was quite common. . . . 

Slave-Tcillers. — These are ceremonial implements formerly used by the chiefs in 
dispatching the slaves selected as victims of sacrifice on occasions of building 
a house, or on the death of a chief or other important personage. . . . The pointed 
ends were driven by a quick blow into the skull of the victim, whose body was 
accorded special consideration in burial. They seem in general to have been made 
of bone, or of wood tipped with stone. Naturally, with the advent of the whites, 
this custom has had to be abandoned, and these implements have, in time, become 
very rare. 

The institution of slavery, though developed to the greatest extent 
in southern Alaska, existed among all the northwest coast Indians as 
far south as the Klamath and the head waters of the Sacramento.^^^ 
Of slavery among the Indians of Cape Flattery on the coast of Wash- 
ington we have the following account :-'^- 

In former times, it is said, the slaves were treated very harshly, and their lives 
were of no more value than those of dogs. On the death of a chief, his favorite 
slaves were killed and buried with him, but latterly, this custom seems to have 
been abandoned, and their present condition is a mild form of servitude. The 
treaty between the United States and the Makahs makes it obligatory on this 
tribe to free their slaves, and although this provision has not thus far been 
enforced, it has had the effect of securing better treatment than they formerly had. 

John Dunn, for eight years connected with the Hudson's Bay 
Company, describing burial customs at the mouth of the Columbia, 
says r"^ 



2"" A. P. Niblaek, op. cit., pp. 252-25.3, 275, pi. 46, summarizing and quoting 
Sir George Simpson (governor-in-ehief of the Hudson Bay Company's territories). 
Narrative of a Journev Round the World During the Years 1841 and 1842 (Lon- 
don, 1847), I, 211-213, 242-243. 

281 H. W. Henshaw, Bur. Am. Ethn., Bull. 30, part 2, p. 598, 1912. 

282 J. G. Swan, The Indians of Cape Flattery, p. 10, 1868 (Smithsonian Con- 
tributions to Knowledge, xvi, 1870). 

283 John Dunn, op. cit. (see footnote 183 of present paper), p. 86. 



368 Unirersitii of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol.14 

Oil tlie ileath of oue of these people, the body was formerly wrapped in skins 
or mats, and deposited in a small canoe. . . . On the death of a chief or other 
person of wealth or importance, one or more of his slaves (much of an Indian's 
importance depending on the number of his slaves) was put to death. . . . But this 
barbarous superstition has been abolished through the interposition of the Com- 
pany. 

When an important prr.sim dii/d on Coos bay, 170 miles to the 
north of Humboldt bay, "t'cirinerly the body was burned, and the 
wife of the corpse killed and interred. ' '-"^ 

Though our findings are hardly sufficient to warrant us in making 
any positive declaration that the institution of slavery and human 
sacrifice formerly existed as far south as Humboldt bay, yet we feel 
we owe it to the readi-r to state such facts as would point in that 
direction and then leave it to future investigation to prove or disprove 
the proj)osition. We find southern Alaska to be the center of a culture 
area charactei'ized by a high development of certain arts and insti- 
tutions, such as carving, canoe making, building of excellent plank 
houses, an aristocracy of wealth, slavery, and human sacrifice. As 
we jiroceed south from the center of this type of civilizatimi, all of 
these arts ami institutions gradually become less marked in their 
development and cease entirely when Cape Mendocino is reached. 
Now, the argument might be made that, as most of these arts and 
institutions existed to a greater or less degree among the modern 
Indians of the Klamath river and Humboldt bay regions, there is, at 
least, a possiliility that they all existed in a more or less developed 
form in the past. 

Whethi-r slavery and huiiKUi saerilirr really existed or not, there 
are implements found on Humboldt bay similar to those from the 
Columbia river and uorthwai'd drseribed as war-chibs or slave-killers. 
The following is a general sununary of the facts published by Smith"*^ 
regarding this class of imjilemi'iit : 

Forty-four specimens of clubs made from the bones of whales (practically all 
the specimens of which Smith was able to gain any information ; illustration of 
one of these from Barclay sound, Vancouver island, is reproduced on plate 19, 



2^.i^ff, V. Wells, Wild Life in Oregon, Harper's Magazine, 1856, p. 602, a 
narrative of a four months' sojourn in the vicinity of Coos bay. Formerly, from 
Coos bay to 'Alaska, slaves, or sometimes even friends or relatives of an important 
person, were killed upon his death. For the following tribes see Bancroft's 
Works: Kadiak island, i, 86; Nootka, I, 205; Chinook, I, 240, 248; Wallawalla, i, 
288; ('oos bay, l, 248. Of the (liinook, Bancroft says: "Many instances are 
known of slaves murdered by the wliini of a cruel and rich master, and it was not 
very uncommon to kill slaves on tlie occasion of the death of prominent persons, 
but wives and friends are also known to have been sacrificed on similar occasions." 

-ss H. I. Smith, Archaeology of the Gulf of Georgia and Paget Sound, Mem. 
Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., iv, 1907; Archaeology of the Yakima Valley, op. cit. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 369 

figure 6) do not vary greatly in their size and proportions, averaging about 21 
inches in length by 2% inches in width and having a lenticular cross-section. 
About two-thirds of them have the handle carved to represent the head of the 
eagle or thunder-bird surmounted by a bird head-dress, while the blade is deco- 
rated with line and scallop designs, dot designs, or triangular incisions which 
according to the interpretation of modern Indians indicate feathers. Ten speci- 
mens have their blades incised to represent a human head. The hair is usually 
represented as being very much disheveled, as it would be in a head-hunter's 
trophy. Some of these bone clubs were collected by early explorers and are now 
in European museums with insufficient data, but most of them seem to have come 
from the west coast of Vancouver island, a few from near Victoria, a few from 
Neah bay, Washington, and several from the mainland of British Columbia, while 
three which do not differ in type from those farther north came from the Columbia 
river. 

Twenty-five stone clubs have a blade lenticul.ar or lozenge-shaped in cross- 
section and are of much the same form as those made from the bones of whales, 
except that in general they lack the carved handle and other decoration. About 
forty per cent of these clubs came from Puget sound and northward as far as the 
vicinity of Vancouver, and about forty per cent are from the Columbia river 
drainage area. One came from the coast of Oregon, and two were probably from 
Klamath river valley. 

The third type of implement of the war-club class consists of ten stone objects 
having somewhat the form of an animal with a head, one or two legs, and a long 
taO. Six of these are reproduced in outline on plate 19. Four specimens of this 
type which are now in the Peabody Museum of Harvard University are supposed 
to have come from the Klamath river region. The provenience of the others is 
more definitely known, one coming from Poormans Bar, Scott river, Siskiyou 
county, C.nlifornia, one from Shovel Creek Springs, on Klamath river twenty miles 
west of Klamath lake, two from Willamette slough, Columbia county, Oregon, one 
from near Tacoma, Washington, and one from near Vancouver, British Columbia. 

Smith also illustrates several objects more or less pestle shaped but much 
elongated. Similar objects are commonly found in Pacific coast museums some- 
times labelled as pestles, sometimes as phallic symbols, and sometimes as war- 
clubs. 

As for the type of clnb made from the bones of whales, none are 
known to occur in California,-^'' but stone clubs of similar shape are 
found in tlie Humboldt bay (text figure 15) and Klamath river 
regions. There are three of these made of steatite at the University 
museum. They were obtained from the Yurok Indians. One of these 
(no. 1-1570)' is shown on plate 18, figure 4. It is 423 mm. long, 
75 mm. wide, and has a maximum thickness of 24 mm. Its weight 
is 940 grams (35.2 ounces). The incised zigzag lines on its sides 
suggest the scallop designs which have been interpreted as feathers 
on the bone clubs (cf. pi. 19, fig. 6). The two dots may possibly 



2RI5 One exception might be made in the case of a war-club which was made 
of a whale's jaw and which came from Santa Rosa island off the coast of south- 
ern California; but the form of this object is really quite different from those of 
the north. See illustration in W. K. Moorehead, Prehistoric Implements (Cincin- 
nati, 1900), p. 233. 



370 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlin. [Vol. 14 

represent the eyes of a liuman t'aci'. This interiiretatioii is in line 
witii tiie {general de^'eiieratioii of art in northwestern California as 
compared with that farther north. Neither sculpture nor realistic 
designs are known to occur in northwestern California, although geo- 
metric designs are connnoiily incised on elk-horn i)urses, elk-horn 
spoons, bone objects, the handles of mush stirrers, and the like. 

The type of stone club having the form of an animal was well 
represented in the excavation on Gunther island, there being three 
whole specimens and four fragments. Plate 18, figures l(f-lc, shows 
one of the specimens (no. 1-18231) found in association with human 
remains no. 19. It is madi' of steatite, is 415 mm. long, 132 mm. wide 
at the position indicated by the arrow, and has a maximum thickness 
of 24 mm. It weighs 867 grams (30.6 ounces). The object is shaped 
nuich like an animal, with a head, ears, front and hind leg, and a long 
tail. The legs are lenticular in cross-seetion and have a maximum 
thickness of 14 mm. A cross-section taken through any jiai't of the 
head, neck, or liody would be weilgi' shaped. The end of the tail for 
about half of its length is more nearly lenticular in cross-section, 
I'ounded at the lower edgi' but flattened at the upper. There is a 
gi'oovc reaching from the ears to the middle of the tail. The whole 
specimen has a smooth black polish excejit f(jr about half of the tail. 
This is of a slate color and has rough scratclies at various angles, the 
marks made in the process of manufacture not having been smoothed 
out by ]H)lishing. In additiou to tlie filler marks there are many di'cp 
scratches arranged vertically. It is possible that the tail had wrap- 
pings at one time. This theory would account for the lack of polish, 
for the lighter color, and for the vertical nmrks, which would serve to 
keep till' wi'ajipings fmm sliiiping. 

Till' specimen is not uniformly blaek. as there are several patches 
lia\ing somewliat the appearance of blood stains. These are poorly 
shown ill till- i)liotograpliie reproduet ion, but the form of the patches 

can be seen in text tigiire 3. If tl Iijeet had been used to kill a 

])ersoii and had then been immediately tlirown into the flames, clots of 
blood might liave served to iirofeef the stone from the heat so as to 
cause an alteration in color in spots as they appear in the sjiecimen. 
Ilowevei', the alteration in eolor is not necessarily due to fresh blood, 
for if during cremation the juices of the body had come in contact 
with the (tbject, the effect might have been much the same. 

The close resemblance of this specimen to the one found on Scott 
I'iver and to th.ose from Willamette slough will be noticed (cf. pi. IS, 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeograpliy and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 371 

figs, lo-lc, with pi. 19, figs. 2 and 3). All have grooves along the 
back. Whether the object of this type had one or two legs seems 
to have been immaterial, as both forms were found at Willamette 
slough. 

The second complete specimen of slave-killer (no. 1-18093, pi. 18, 
figs. 2a-2b) was found in association with human remains no. 14. 
It has a length of 320 mm., a width of 65 mm., and a thickness of 
13 nuu. It weighs 402 grams. It is made of steatite, but is not so 
highly polished as the first specimen. The legs are very short, as in 
the specimen from Shovel Creek Springs ; the sides are nearly parallel 
throughout the whole length of the specimen; and there is no groove 
in the back. There is a spot or two of stain on the head and neck of 
the specimen similar to those described in the first specimen. 




Fig. 3. Slave-killer from site 67 showing stains. No. 1-18231. 
About one-quarter natural size. 

The third complete specimen of slave-killer (no. 1-18018, pi. 18, 
figs. 3a-3&) is apparently a miniature toy weighing onlj^ 9 grams 
(.3 ounce). It was found with human remains no. 4. It has a length 
of 54 mm., a width of 20 mm., and a thickness of 7 mm. The close 
similarity of this object to the one from Scott river will be seen in the 
longitudinal groove along the back and forehead, and also the incisions 
at right angles to the groove. The encircling groove at one end shows 
that it was intended for a pendant. Two of the smaller specimens 
which presumably came from the Klamath river, are perforated at the 
handle end so that they might be suspended by a cord or thong. 

One fragment of steatite about four inches in length was found 
at a depth of nine inches. It has a closely similar form to the handle 
end of the specimen first described. Three other smaller fragments 



372 Vniversity of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlin. [Vol. 14 

of slate found at depths of less than three feet are also i)robably 
portions of slave-killers. 

When an account is taken of the objects indicative of wealth or 
rank fouud with human bones, such as ceremonial blades of red 
olisidiaii, lilack obsidian, and white tlint, steatite pipes, slave-killers, 
and dentalium shell, it would appear that the ])ersons of most im- 
portance would be, ill order: nos. 19, 9, 14, 4, 12, 1, 2. Hence, the 
slave-killers are seen to be associated with the most wealthy. Now, 
a reference to plate 12, figure :J, and to tiie notes on the various human 
remains, will show that skeletons nos. 19 and 9 were surrounded by a 
single continuous charcoal bed. The same can be said of nos. 4, :j, 
and 2. Hut if in these cases of two or more persons apiiearing to have 
been cremated at the same time, one is the sacrificed slave, it is iiupos- 
sibh' to say which is thi' slave and which the master, ]>ecause the 
artifacts with the <ine are about as important as those with the other. 

Iiuismuch as tiie Pacific coast forms of war-clubs or slave-killers 
are but little known and but i)artially described, it might be well to 
take U]) the subject where Wmitli left it and add to the present knowl- 
edge by mentioning a few other specimens, which should perhaps be 
.regarded as belonging to the war-club class of implements. 

A specimen (no. 1-15141) in tiie University museum from Santa 
Catalina island, southern California, has at least a superficial resem- 
blance to a miniature slave-killer, as a])pears in the outline drawing, 
text figuri' 5. This oliject has a. lengtli of !)1 mm., a width of .')1 mm., 
and a thickness of 18 mm. Its small size should not necessarily 
prevent it from being called a slave-killer, since then' are several 
miniature representatives of this ceremonial implement fi'om the 
north, but at the jiresent stage of oui' kiidwledge it would be mueli 
safer to consider it merely as a crude figure of an animal with only 
an accidental semblance to a slave-killer. This hypothesis is strengtli- 
eued by the fact that several well made figurines of the fin-back whale 
and other animals have bi'i'ii found on the Santa Barbara islands, 
while specific resemblances to the eidture of northwestern California 
are lacking or at least very scanty. 

The Memorial Jluseiuii (if San Francisco has a specimen, shown in 
outline in text figure 4, whieli appears to be related to the type found 
on Gunther island. It is 211 mm. long, lOn mm. in greatest width, 
and :i:i mm. in greatest thickness. It was unearthed from a depth 
of 18 ( ?) feet at the Doggett mine on the banks of th<' Klamath I'ivi'r 
near Walker, Siskiyou county, some ten oi' fifteen miles above the 



1918] Loud: JSthnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 373 



mouth of Seott river. The specimen gained some notoriety from a 
newspaper article,-^' which is in substance as follows: 

In a pocket of sand and gravel which was believed to be an ancient channel 
of the Klamath river, and which was fully 200 feet from the present bed of the 
river, at a depth of 18 feet below the surface of the ground, were found three 
large teeth belonging to one of the great ' ' lizard, " or " dinosaur, " or " masto- 
donic species." There was also a tusk, 7% feet long and 14 inches in diameter 
at the butt, which was so badly decayed that it fell to pieces when touched. Above 
the specimens were oaks five to six feet in diameter, and on bedrock 12 feet below 
the specimens were trees turned to coal or partly petrified. ' ' Close to the teeth 
was found an ancient stone hatchet, which is believed to belong to a period co- 
existent with that in which the animal to which the teeth belonged is believed to 
have lived. . . . Was there a fight and the stone ax, being indigestible, all that is 
left of the man?" 





Fig. 4. Slave-killer from the Klamath, 10 to 15 miles above the mouth of 
Scott river. Memorial Museran, San Francisco, no. 38899 One-quarter natural size. 

Fig. 5. Stone object from Santa C'ataliua island. No. 1-15141. One-half 
natural size. 

The teeth are in the Memorial Museum witli the stone ax, and ai'e 
identified as belonging to the mastodon, Mastodon amcricwnus. Owing 
to the obviously emotional and unscientific character of the accom- 
panying information, little significance can be attached to the reported 
association of the club with the fossil bones. It is to be regretted that 
when such discoveries are made there is too often no careful archaeol- 
ogist present to take measurements of depths and make full notes of 
the cii'cumstances. 

Schumacher^*^ found with a skeleton at Chetko, Oregon, eighty-five 
miles north of Humboldt bay, an implement of bone broken to frag- 
ments but apparently shaped much like another implement "made of 
dark stone and nicely polished, which was found at Happy Camp [on 
the Klamath twenty-five miles below the mouth of Scott river] at a 
depth of" 40 feet below the surface." Schumacher's drawing of this 
latter specimen reveals a form closely similar to the one from Gunther 
island shown in place 18, figure 2a. 



287 San Francisco Chronicle, June 7, 1911. 

288 Paul Schumacher, Remarks on the Kjokken-moddings on the Northwest 
Coast of America, Ann. Rep. Smithson. Inst. 1873, pp. 354-3G2 (1874). 



374 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol.14 

W. K. :\Ioorelie;id. in his I'rdii.sturiv I nipUtncnts (p. 292), gives a 
figure of a slave-killer from Siskiyou eounty, California, which until 
the fire of 1906 was in the possession of the California Academy of 
Sciences at San Francisco. It is described a-s being made of hard 
black stone having tlie dinicnsidus of two by sixteen inches, though 
the proportions of the figure do not correspond to these dimensions. 
Persons who remember seeing the specimen say that the figure must 
have been made fi-om a vci-y inacciii-iite free hand drawing. The 
same author in his second volume of the Slone Age in North America 
(p. 105), gives illustrations of two slave-killers in the j)ossession of a 
resident of Albany, Oregon. Both of these specimens, which are 
shaped much likf text figurr 4, ajijiai'ditly canif from "not far above 
the mouth of the Columbia river." 

Several S])ecimcns of slave-killers are described by (i. G. ilac- 
Curdy.-'"-' Two of tiiesc in the possession of Yale University Museum 
are from the .loiin Day river di'aiiiage area, jn'obably Grant county, 
Oregon. A third specimen in the Yale University iluseum is probably 
from Gilliam county. Oregon, about fifty miles above the moutli of 
Jdiin Day river. The National iluseuiii lias a cast of a fourth speci- 
men found near St. Helens, mouth of Willamette river, Columbia 
county, Oregon. Tlie fifth specimen, also in the po.ssession of the 
National Museum, is m.ist interesting as being from Wintun teri'itory 
near Weaverville. Trinity county, ('alifurnia, over sixty miles due east 
from Humboldt bay. 

Kobert Gunther has found on site (JS one or more specimens of 
slave-killers, which have, however, been dispo.sed of without his re- 
membering just where they went. This completi's the list of all known 
specimens of this type, at least twenty-eight in all, which can be said 
to range fnmi Humboldt bay to as far imi'tii as Vancouver, British 
Columbia. Some of the siiecimms from (iunther island resemble so 
closely specimens from the Colunil)ia river tiiat they can be said to 
be practically identical; yet tln' form is so frc(iuent both in California 
and in Oregon that it would be unwarranted to infer that the pieces 
were made in a northei-n locality and carried to California in trade, 
or vice vei-sa. We must assume that so far as these implements are 
concerned one set of customs covered the region from Humboldt bay 
to Pugct .sound and perhaps took in the drainage areas of the Klamath, 
Trinity, John Day, ;ind Dcs Chutes rivers, and part of the Columbia 
valle\-. 



2S0 G. G. MacCuvflv, The Cult of the Ax, in W. H. Holmes Anniversary Volume 
pp. 301-315, 191(i. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 375 

Ou plate 19, figure 8, there is shown an implement of the war-club 
class from Cliilkat, Alaska,-"" about 850 miles to the north of Van- 
couver. Though this was pei-haps put to the same use as those objects 
which we have described as slave-killers, it should be considered as 
being the product of an independent development, so far as its form 
is concerned, and perhaps no more related to the typical slave-killer 
than are the monolithic hatchets from the eastern states, one of which 
from central Alabama, is shown for comparison on plate 19, figure 9. 

There are on the Pacific coast quite a variety of flat, sword-shaped 
ceremonial implements,^'^ as well as a few peculiarly shaped cylindrical 
implements, sometimes called pestles but more often phallic symbols""- 
or war-clubs. These would undoubtedly make a very interesting 
study could the difiEerent types be brought together and compared and 
their significance ascertained. One form of stone club from site 9 and 
another fi'om Scotia will be described below. 

Chert Refuse, Cooking Stones, etc. 

Chert. — There were a great many pebbles of chert from the size 
of a bean to the size of a fist found throughout the mound. These 
were throwai into a heap as they were unearthed and a few samples 
taken to the museum. They were probably used as cooking stones, as 
hammer stones, and as material for the making of implements. 

Chert Fragments. — About seven pounds of small chert fragments, 
appearing to be the refuse from implement making, were brought 
to the museum. These fragments are of all colors, as described on 
page 279. If these fragments are really the refuse from implement 
making, it might very properly be asked where the finished imple- 
ments are. Only one scraper (pi. 15, fig. 5), one drill (pi. 14, fig. 14), 
four knives (pi. 13, fig. 5), and five arrow-points (pi. 14, figs. 2 and 
3), made of typical chert, were found at site 67, though thirty-four 



290 H. I. Smith, Archaeology of the Gulf of Georgia and Puget Sound, op. cit., 
pp. 418-420. 

291 See W. K. Moorehead, Prehistoric Implements, pp. 233, 292-293, for illus- 
tration of specimens from Siskiyou county and elsewhere. 

202 H. H. Bancroft, Works, in, 508. 1883, quotes D. G. Brinton, in School- 
craft, Arch. V, 416—417, as saying: "The pretended phallic worship ... rests on 
no good authority, and . . . is . . . nothing but an unrestrained and boundless 
profligacy which it were an absurdity to call a religion. . . . There is a decided 
indecency in the remains of ancient American art . . . but the proof is alto- 
gether wanting to bind these with the recognition of fecundating principle 
throughout nature, or, indeed, to suppose for them any other origin than the 
promptings of an impure fancy. ' ' Bancroft does not agree with the conclusions 
of Brinton, but makes no attempt to establish the existence of phallic worship 
anywhere in America except in Central America and southern Mexico. See also 
W. K. Moorehead, Prehistoric Implements, p. 288. 



376 University of California Puhlications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

clu-rt implements were obtained ou site 10 and some from other sites. 
A few flakes of chert were foimd at site 67 in apparent association 
with six different human remains, but as the fragments were so com- 
mon the association may liave been accidental. There is no reason 
why some of the rough flakes of chert would not have served as 
scrapers or knives just as effectivelj% at least for some uses, as the most 
perfectly chipped implements. AVhy, then, should the inhabitants 
have expended unnecessary labor in making the perfect implement for 
daily purposes, especially when there was the chance of breaking it 
in use? Many just such chert fragments occur in the mounds at 
San Francisco bay and are described and illustrated by Uhle.-°^ 

}Vhitc Flint. — Twenty fragments of white flint were found in asso- 
ciation with lunnan remains no. 1, and half a dozen fragments in other 
situations. 

Obsidian. — Not a single fragment of obsidian refuse was found 
here or anywhere in the whole Wiyot area although the great majority 
of chipped implements were made of obsidian. 

Quartz. — About a dozen pebliles of quartz from the size of small 
bird's eggs to that of apples, and about forty fragments, were brought 
to the museum. Xo use is known for these, other than as cooking 
stones and hammer stones. 

Agates. — Four agates, an indi or an inch and a half in diameter, 
were fouiul in one place at a depth of two feet. 

i^ii ndstunc. — Skeleton nu. 1 had in association with it an irregu- 
larly shaped sandstone boulder a foot in length, while with no. 19 
were several oval sandstone boulders from five to nine inches in 
diameter. If the latter had been a little larger, they might have been 
considered material liruught to tlie mound for making mauls or other 
implements. During the tield work no particular attention was paid 
to the exact number of cooking stoni's, pcbljles. and fragments of 
sandstone. Only a dozen were lirought to the museum, but it is 
not jn-oliable that nuiuy were left bi'liind. 

Steatite. — Less than a dozen small stones and stone fragments are 
doubtfully considered to be steatite. Positive identification by 
•serateliing with a knife is diftieult because the stone becomes so hard- 
ened by fire that it loses its oi'iginal characteristics. About half of 
the stones identified as steatite were in association with human 
remains. Probably no example of tiiis material escaped the notice of 
the writer while in the field. 



-OS Max Ulile, present series, VII, (il, pi. C^^ 1907. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 



377 



Objects of Clay 
The objects made of clay include part of a clay pipe and 137 
elliptical balls. Their distribution in the mound can be determined 
by referring to tables 5 and 6. 

Claij Pipe.— In association with human remains no. 19, there was 
a fragment of a clay pipe (pi. 20, fig. 4), 48 nnu. in length and 31 mm. 
in diameter. The bowl has been baked to a good degree of hardness, 
is symmetrical, and has a maximum inside diameter of 15 mm. and 
a depth of 25 nmi. The inside of the bowl is blackened, while the 
outside is blackened and polished in places as if it had seen use; yet 
the fractured end is crumbly, and adjacent to the fracture was an 
irregular mass of day scarcely baked at all. One side of the unbaked 
clay was adhering to a rib. The nearest locality where even the 
crudest of pottery is known to have been made is in the vicinity of 
Fresno, nearly 400 miles to the south-southeast of Humboldt bay.=^* 

EllipUcal CUy Balls.— Four different forms of elliptical clay balls 
are illustrated in plate 20. There were a total of 137 of these, count- 
ing a few in more or less fragmentary condition : 92 in association 
with human remains, and 45 scattered throughout the trench at depths 
ranging between 1 and 51/2 feet. 

Plate 20, figure 2, shows the type which is most common. The 
most remarkable thing about this type is that there are so many 
specimens having nearly the same size and shape, with just enough 
individuality to prove that they were not pressed in a mold. As 
already mentioned on page 348, these clay balls furnish some possible 
evidence as to the age of the mound. Hence, they will be described iu 
considerable detail. 

In association with human remains no. 14 there were 56 specimens, which have 
an average length of 45 mm. while the variation in length is only 3 mm. (43^6). 
To this number could be added 9 fragmentai^ specimens, also found with 
remains no. 14, which probably had a similar length before being broken. Of 
these specimens, 50 complete ones showed a difference in weight, between the 
largest and smallest, of only 4.4 grams, the average weight being 34.4 grams. 

With human remains no. 12 were 12 balls whose average length is 45 mm. 
and whose extreme variation is only 2 mm. However, though the length of these 
specimens averages the same as the preceding, their weight was somewhat less, 
averaging 29.5 grams. 

There was a like specimen with remains no. 19 and another with no. 15. 
The balls found with human remains are with but few exceptions of a black 
color, very hard, and in perfect condition. Those scattered through the trench 

29. Paul Schumacher, Ann. Eep. Smithson. Inst. 1873, p. ^^^ (1874) found a 
fragment of a clay pipe at Chetko, Oregon, eighty-five miles north of Humboldt 
bay. 



378 University of California PuhHcations in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. M 

arc seldom black, but usually red.lisli or yellowish, are less perfectly baked, anil 
are more frequently iu a fragmentary eonaition. However, there seem to be 16 
of the scattered specimens which should be considered as being of the same size 
and form as the one shown in figure 2. This makes a total of 95 specimens having 
the same form and nearly the same size, found at depths ranging from 1 to 51/2 
feet. All of these are such close duplicates that one could not be distinguished 
from another except by color and by the closest inspection niul measurement with 
calipers. 

One other elliptieal elay liall, fi'oiu a deiitli of 314 feet, is of the 
same form as figure 2, but is just enough larger than those described 
— i9 mm. in length and 42.2 grams in weight— to give it a distinet 
individuality in appearance. 

Figure ?, shows a .second type of chiy ball, ditVcring from the form 
just described in having pointed instead of rounded ends. There are 
only three or four s])ecimens of this tyj)e. These were found at depths 
of 31/2 to 514 feet. The oni' illu.strated is tlie most perfect specimen 
and is 54 mm. in length. 

Figure 1 shows a elay liall nmeh smaller in size than the types 
already described. Tiiere arc lifleen specimens comparable in size 
with the one illustrated. Four of these were in association with 
human remains no. 14, one with no, 10, and one with no. 12. These 
fifteen varied somewhat in form, some having pointed ends, and some 
blunt ends. There is also a considerable variation in length, the range 
being from 29 nnii. to 3>S nun. 

Figure 5 shows the smallest specimen of clay ball, which is 23 mm. 
long and has a more oval form than the types previously described. 
There are two other specimens similar in size and shape, all found 
at the depth of about three feet. 

Robert Gunther has obtained ellijitical clay balls at site 68. He 
stated that he had heard an Indian describe a game which was played 
with them, but he had forgottc'ii the account. ="^ 

The writer has obtained two jilolmlar clay balls, 34 mm. in 
diameter, and one elliptieal day liall, 44 mm. in length, shaped much 
like figure 1, from a cave near Humboldt lake in Nevada. According 
to a memlier <jf fhi' AViniiennicca baml of Indians a game with clay 
balls was formerly i)laycd, one party liiirying them in sand while tin- 
o])posing party guessed their positi.ni. A similar game at Humboldt 
bay might account for sonic of the streaks of sand found in the 
mound. 



^!i5 The Indians of Smith river and Rogue river region have a guessing game 
"played with small clay balls." Ida PfeifTer, A Ladv's Second Journev''Round 
the World (New York, Harper, ISHfi), ji. ;!18. 



1918] Loud: Ethnvgeograpliy and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 379 

In the Trask collection from San Nicolas island, southern Califor- 
nia, there are about thirty objects of sandstone, 35 mm. to 75 mm. 
in length. There is much variety of form, but two or three specimens 
quite closely approach in shape and size some of the clay balls from 
Humboldt bay. There are also sling shots from Guam, made of coral 
limestone, which resemble the clay balls from Humboldt bay. How- 
ever, in both these cases the resemblance is in appearance only. 

At the University museum there is an outfit consisting of a sling 
made of tule {Scirpus sp.) and twenty-four partially baked globular 
mud balls (Mus. no. 1-10604) such as were formerly used by the 
Porno Indians of Lake county in killing ducks and mud hens. The 
set is a model made to order by an Indian living on Lower lake. A 
dozen of these specimens are quite unifomi in size, with a variation 
of only 4 mm. in diameter, the average being 41 mm. The remaining 
balls are much more variable in size and though fairly symmetrical 
are not perfectly globular. There is a range in the weight of the 
twenty-four specimens of from 55 to 75 grams. Not only was there 
much less skill used in fashioning them than those found at Humboldt 
bay, but to all appearances they were so slightly baked that they 
would disintegrate if placed in water. The collector, S. A. Barrett, 
states in the museum catalogue that these balls are made of a whitish 
earth slightly baked near, not in, the fire, and that they were made 
in only a few places in Pomo territory. He also states that toys of 
various shapes modelled from clay or adobe and dried in the sun were 
much used by Pomo children in aboriginal times. On the whole, it can 
be said that there is no evidence that the Pomo ever made anything 
that even approached pottery, nor do the clay balls of the Pomo 
Indians in any way resemble those at Humboldt bay. 

The museum, furthei-more, has over two hundred clay objects from 
an earth mound near Stockton, California. These are mostly roughly 
globular, averaging about two inches in diameter. They are made of 
very poor sandy clay and imperfectly baked. A minority are dotted 
or incised with crude, simple patterns. Wliat their use could have been 
can hardly be determined. If they were only a little firmer in texture, 
they might have served to take the place of stones in cooking, but 
to all appearances they would have disintegrated more or less if placed 
in water. There are no stones on the San Joaquin delta, but one 
would think that enough for cooking purposes could have been 
brought from a distance. Professor W. H. Holmes has mentioned 
these articles from the Stockton mounds, saying that "there are many 



380 Vniversitij of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

objects of baked clay, globular, discoid, dumb-bell shaped, etc., some 
of which may have served for use in slings."-"" To this we would say 
tliat most of them .seem to be too heavy. 

Clarence B. Moore has also illustrated and described clay balls 
from Louisiana and southern Utah. Those from Utah were called 
gambling cones by the collector.-'-" 

FoTiKjinuun Clays and Paint. — The beds of half baked clay of 
poor (luality. found beneath human remains nos. 3 and 20, have alreadj' 
been mentioned on page 346. Some streaks in these beds, of a less 
sandy character than others, were baked to an orange red color, and 
could be pounded and used as paint. An ounce or two of ochre found 
at a dcptli of 514 feet was in part of a cream color and in part baked 
I0 an orange red color. A fiat, disk shaped lump, 12 mm. in diameter, 
of an orange red color, found at the depth of two feet, might have 
been paint. As no paint was found in association with human re- 
mains, all these eases may be (_'onsid<'rcd as doubtful indications of its 
use. Probably the paint-like material was obtained together with the 
coarse clay as a mere accident. These baked clays are always of an 
orange color, never the bright red characteristic of the ochre (ferrous 
oxitle, Fe^(3.) whieli is so commonly found witli human remains at 
San Francisco bay. 

From the sliapc (.)f some i)ieces of clay, it would appear that this 
material was sometimes used to batten the cracks between house 
planks. 

Ol)j( cts of Hunt 

The objects made of liorii ini'ludc thirty wedges and five harpoon 
heads. None of these were in association with hunuui remains. 

Wcdfjrs. — Wedges were found scattered throughout the trench 
at all depths to 514 i^cei. There are two main types. The first type, 
represented by eighteen specimens, has the horn split and then 
smoothed off on the inner side so as to form a bevel. Most examples 
are rather short. Plate 21, figure 6, shows one of the smallest speci- 
mens, while figure 4 shows the longest piece of this type. All of these 
are (|uite cei'taiiily wedges, becau.se tlie fibers of hoi-n at the butt end 
of the wedges have been broken and bent to one sid<' liy repeated 
blows. 



■j'.igw. H. Holmes, Ann. Rep. Smitlison. In.st. 1900, p. 177, pis. 26-28. 
'-'■'" C. B. Moore, Some Aboriginal Sites in Louisiauii ;uiil in Alabama, Jour. 
Acad. Nat. Sci.', Pliila., x\^, l(i, 4.3, 72, 73, pi. 2, 1913. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 381 

The secoucl type is represented by ten specimens. The tip of the 
horn is used, being as a rule bevelled only on one side, the other side 
not needing anj' artiticial bevelling because of the natural curvature of 
the horn. In two cases small sized wedges are equally bevelled on both 
sides. Thei'e is a variation in length of from 77 mm. to 230 mm. 

Most of the horn from which wedges are made is probably elk 
antler, but some of the smaller specimens may be deer horn. The elk- 
horn wedge of the second type described above was quite common 
among the modern Indians of northwestern California. It was used 
in splitting out house planks. Essentially similar wedges from Emery- 
ville shellmound are illustrated on plate 8, figures 1 to 3, in volume 7 
of the present series. 

Harpoon Heads. — There are two types of harpoon heads. The 
first type is represented by three specimens, two found at depths of 
about three feet and the third obtained somewhere in the upper two 
feet when the sides of the trench were undercut. Two of the three 
are somewhat incomplete, but appear to be of the same form as the one 
shown on plate 21, figure 3, although slightly smaller. The object 
illustrated has a maximum thickness of 16 mm. and a length of 
163 mm. to which should be added 8 or 10 mm. for the broken point. 
Whether the Indians at Humboldt bay, either ancient or modern, 
engaged, to any great extent in seal hunting is not known. A more 
likely use to which these harpoon heads were put was in spearing 
what are popularly termed sharks, a kind of dog-fish. During the 
early years of the white settlement these fish were so numeroiLS that 
twenty to thirty boats, two men per boat, found it a profitable business 
to spear them for their oil.""* 

A second type of harpoon (pi. 21, figs. 12ff, 12&) is represented by 
two barbs of horn found at depths of 1 and 3i/4 feet. This kind of 
harpoon head was used for spearing salmon by the modern Indians 
of the Klamath and Trinity- rivers.-"" In the modem harpoon the 
point is made of bone three or four inches long, at the upper end of 
which are adjusted two barbs made of bone identical in every respect 
to those found at Humboldt bay. The barbs and bone point are 
wrapped with twine made of iris fiber and covered with pitch. The 
barb illustrated has a length of 72 mm. 



398 San Francisco Bulletin, July 3, 1857; April 28, 1858. 
289 p. E. Goddard, present series, i, 25, pi. 13, fig. 4, 1903. 



382 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

Objects of Bone 

There were eighty-tliree objects of bone obtained, nineteen in 
association with human remains, and sixty-four scattered throughout 
the trench. Nearly half of the objects ai*e gouges or skin dressers. 
Other specimens include adze blades, awls, whistles, beads, head 
scratchers, a harpoon head, and miscellaneous or fragmentary objects. 
Table 9 shows the number and distribution of each of these classes 
of objects. 

Bone Gouges. — Scattered through the trench at all depths to eight 
feet, were thirty-one bone objects, all more or less fragmentary, which 
we designate as gouges. In addition to these there were eight in 
association with hunum remains. Every one of these, so far as the 
fragmentary condition warrants an oi)ini(>n, was made by splitting 
the proximal end of the cannon bone of the elk. One specimen is 
shown in plate 21, figure 1. Tliere were onlj^ seven specimens which 
.showed the original length of tlie implement. The length of these 
varied from 112 mm. to KiO nnu. 

A narrow type of gouge represented by four specimens, one with 
human remains no. 20, the other at depths of %, 214, and 314 f<?et, 
is also made from the jiroxiuud end of the cannon bone. Two speci- 
mens are shown on plate 21, figures 2 and 7. 

Adze Blades. — There were only five objects, made from the larger 
limb bones of what is probably the elk, which are somewhat doubtfully 
classed as adze blades. These were found at deptlis down to 334 feet. 
Plate 21, figures 14 and 15, sliow two specimens. All of the pieces 
are more or less broken or dulled from constant use near the cutting 
edge. The upper end in every ease has been cut off square. The 
length varies from G5 nun. to IIO miii. Th(.' Yurok Indians generally 
used the large mussel shi-U for ad/.i' blades. 

Awls. — Two of the eight awls found were made b.y splitting the 
proximal end of the cannon lioiie. These were originally probably 
ver\- long, but thry are now too fragmentary to be illustrated. One 
awl was made from the humerus of a bird (pi. 21, fig. 8). The bones 
froju whieli the others were made could not be identified. None of 
thr awls were of excellent woi-kiiianshij), except the one shown on 
plafe 21, figure 9. 

Three sting-ray barbs were fcnind at dejiths of four and five 
feet. Whether or not these had been used as implements can not be 
stati'd. They have lii'en found in San Francisco bay shellmounds in 
assoeiiition with liiuuaii remains. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 383 

Whistles. — The four whistles found in association with human 
remains had been calcined and are more or less fragmentary. Two 
specimens with human remains no. 9, a.s also the two shown on plate 20, 
figures 10 and 11, were made from the ulnae of large birds like the 
pelican or crane. Both of the latter had marks of incision made for 
decorative purposes. Figure 11 shows a design quite commonly made 
on bone objects fi'om the Klamath river (cf. figs. 15, 16, and 17 of 
the same plate). 

Bird Bone Beads. — Plate 20, figure 6, shows a bead 29 mm. long 
with some slight decorative incisions. It was found at a depth of 
only six inches. A second bead, made from tlie limb bone of a bird, 
was found at a depth of 1% feet and has a length of 65 mm. 

Head Scratchers. — There are at the museum half a dozen thin, flat, 
bone objects from the Klamath river region catalogued as head 
scratchers and louse killers. Plate 20, figures 15 and 17, shows two 
of these objects obtained from the Yurok Indians. They have a thick- 
ness of 4 mm. and bear a decorative design characteristic of the region. 
Another specimen is described and illustrated by Goddard,'*"" who states 
that girls at the age of puberty are placed under restrictions for 
a period of ten days in regard to food, drink, and conduct. In 
order to avoid touching her face or hair with her hands during this 
period, a girl is given a piece of bone, which slie wears suspended from 
her neck. Five objects which bear some resemblance to these head 
scratchers were obtained in the excavation on Gunther island. One 
is only a very small fragment. The others are shown on plate 20, 
figures 7, 12, 13, and 14. All are very thin, being only 3 mm. in 
thickness at most, and all except the one shown in figure 14 are flat 
on one side. 

Figure 14 may be a hair pin (compare with figure 16 from the 
Klamath river), although it difl^ers in form from the specimens pre- 
viously obtained from this region, all of them being double pointed 
and varying in length from 80 mm. to 112 mm. The piece shown in 
figure 14 is single pointed and has a length of 73 mm. Some of the 
hair pins from the Klamath river are perforated in the center. 

Harpoon Heads. — One bone harpoon head in a fragmentary con- 
dition was obtained at a depth of 214 feet (pi. 21, fig. 13). It seems 
not to be essentially different from the seal or shark harpoons made 
of horn, except that it is much smaller. A second fragmentary speci- 
men, with the same form as shown in the upper portion of figure 3, 
is also considered to be part of a harpoon head. 

300 Ibid., 1, .53, pi. 10, fig. 4, 1903. 



384 Vniversitii of Califuniia Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol.14 

Various Bv)ii Objects. — In the table of bone artifacts (no. 9) 
otlier miscellaneous objects are listed. These include five .specimens 
of cannon bones, probably from the elk, and six specimens of the limb 
bones of birds. Each of these has had one end cut oft' as the first 
stage in the manufacture of .s(mie article. Among the remaining 
miscellaneons objects was a knife-like fragment of bone with human 
remains no. 3, and two objects shown on plate 20. Figure 9 has some 
resemblance to a bead, but as it is solid, it could not be strung. 
Figures 8(7 and Sh give two views of a uni(pu' jierforated bone object 
found at a dejitli of 414 feet. The fragment has a length of 55 mm., 
a width of 26 mm., and a thickness of 11 nun. Its use is wholly prob- 
lematical. 

Objicts of Skill 

In table lU evi'ry occurrence of the rarer s]>ecies of shells is given, 
wlietlier in an artifact or not, so long as there is reason to believe that 
the s])ecimen was inti-ntionally h^ft witli the dead. Thus one pecten 
shell, Ilitinitcs (jiijantiiis, with skeleton no. 19, and another with 
no. 14, are not artifacts, yet tliey were in luidoubtcd association with 
the interments. Tiiis was one of the rarest species found in the 
iiKiund, occurring only tliriee. The thiiil example was found on the 
sni'faee. 

I>i )itiihuiu. — D( iitdliinii pri ciiisint) is a sjiceies of univalve living in 
the waters of Puget sdund and northwai'd, Imt so difficult to obtain 
that it was used as money by the Pacific Coast IndiaiLs from California 
northward. F'rom the modern Yurok of the Klamath, its native 
name, allieoehick, has been intrddueed into the English language of 
the region to about the same extiMit that in (it her pai'ts of America the 
Algonkin name, wampum, has come to be lUiderstood as denoting shell 
beads. The small inimber of d(>ntalia ol)tained in excavation on 
Gunther island may ])erhai)s ijulicate that, in prehistoric times, trade 
I'clations witli the north were not so extensive as within the past cen- 
tury. With skeleton no. 1 there were half a dozen small fragments, 
insufficient to make two complete shells. Witli remains no. 9 two small 
fragments were found. With no. 19 there were four complete shells 
and eighteen fragments. The coin])lete shells have lengths of only 
;i2, ."i^, 37, and 42 mm., and hence are not to be considered as having 
had gi'cat value, this lieing gauged according to length. Some of the 
specimens sliowed incisions, tlie designs of wliieh are shown in text 
tigui'e (i. F(jui' of the shells ar(> shown as they would appear if split 



1918] Loud: Etltnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 385 

lengthwise on one side and then flattened out. Three specimens showed 
a design like that in figure 6a, and two specimens like that in figure 
6rf. Most of the dentalium shells among the Yurok of the Klamath 
river are decorated witli pitch, snake skin, sinew, and feathers, while 
but few bear any marks of incision. However, one specimen at the 
museum has a design like that in figure 6a. 







Fig. 6. Incised designs on dentalium shells found with human remains no. 19. 
Mus. no. 1-18243. Natural size. 

Fig. 7a. Drawing showing perforations made in pine nuts for stringing. 
These beads were found in a carbonized condition with cremated human remains. 

Fig. 7b. Drawing of a strand from a modern skirt from the Klamath river 
region, shomng the same species of pine nut with identical perforations. Mus. 
no. 1-2333. Natural size. 

Abalone. — With human i-emains no. 7 there were two rectangular 
pendants of abalone shell, almost identical in size, 103 mm. by 45 mm. 
(pi. 21, fig. 10). They were resting upon the clavicles. Body no. 18 
had two pendants, one of which is shown on plate 21, figure 11. Re- 
mains no. 11 also had an abalone pendant. Thei'e was an ounce or 
two of abalone fragments with bodies nos. 9, 19, and 13. With the 
exception of one piece of abalone on the surface of the mound and 
the pieces just enumerated, no further traces of abalone were found. 



386 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 

Olive Shell Beads. — With interuieiit no. 10 there wa.s lialf a pint 
of medium sized beads of Olivdl-a biplicata. Bodies no. 1 and 19 had 
a smaHer quant itj' of small beads, while nos. 9 and 11 had only one or 
two beads. All of the beads consisted of the whole shell witli a per- 
foration at one end. Apai't from the luunan remains five olive 
shells were found at various depths down to six feet. Of these, three 
had been perforated so a-s to make beads. 

Vurhonizdl Articles 

ritte Nut Biads. — With each of the bodies, nos. 18 and 13, there 
were over two pints of carbonized pine nut beads. Smaller amounts 
of the same bead were found with six other human remains. The 
shell of eaeli nut lias a perforation in the larger end and another in 
the side through wliicli a string could pass (see text fig. 7a). Nut 
lieads of the same sjiecies, I'iiiiis .sabiui^aiia,^"^ are found on the skirts 
of IIu])a and Yurok women, and are illustrated in volume 1, pi'esent 
series, jjlate 8, figure 2. In tliis illustration, however, the nuts are 
perforated at both ends. In another skirt from the Klamath river 
region (Mus. no. 1-2333), strands of string are covered with nuts 
bored like those friiiii Gunther island. The manner in which the 
nuts are arrang<d uium tin' string is .shown in text figuiv lb. Though 
these skirts ar'e a jiart of tiie female attire, it is not necessarj' to con- 
sider all tile interniiiits with \)'u\r luit brads as being the remains of 
females. A reference to table 5 and table 10 would show that al)Out 
seventy-three per cent of all artifacts were with tlie liodies which also 
had pine nut beads. 

yirbiinniiii Siid fluids. — .Skirts or ajn-ons from tlie Klamath 
river region are often decnrated with a small lilack nutlet, Vibuniuin 
eUipticum. These are illustrated by Goddard (present series, i, ])1. S, 
fig. 1). The same kiiul of beads were found in a carbonized condition 
at Guntlier island with bodies 1, 9, and 19. 

I'xisl.i tri/. — Some siiudl fragments of twined basketry were found 
carbonized in association with human remains no. 9. A considerable 
quantity of light, porous slag along with the basketry may indicate 
that I'diid had bei n burnt with the dead. 



301 Tlic nuts upnii Ilupa ami Yumk skirts .-is well as tlio nuts from Gunther 
islanil are lar^;o, Ijciut;' sometimes a lull iueh in length, anil in consequence can 
not belong to I'inu.f attinuata (synonymous with P. tuberculata), as stated by 
P. E. Ooildard (present scries, l, 20), as this .species produces very small nuts and 
is limited in its range, so far as the Klamath river region is concerned, to tlie 
tops of the highest mountains east of Trinity river — a distance of nearly fifty 
miles from Humboldt bay. (In tlie otli'-r haml, P. sahini<ina ranges westward 
as far as the reilwood belt. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 387 



OBJECTS FROM VARIOUS SITES 

Nearly one hundred artifacts were obtained from the surface of 
the ground at the surf-fishing camps, sites 10, 11, 12, and 13, while 
thirty objects were obtained as gifts from the owners of the land on 
which various other sites are located. These objects show some differ- 
ences from those obtained at site 67. 

SUEF-FISHING CAMPS 

Mention has already been made on page 279 of the large quantities 
of chert refuse found at the surf-fishing camps. Thirty-seven more 
or less fragmentary chipped implements were found on site 10 in 
this refuse. Thirty-four of these were made of reddish brown or 
greenish chert. Over half are very small fragments or incompletely 
worked specimens. "While chipped implements were found only on 
the patches of ground designated as site 10, other objects of sand- 
stone were found at all of the surf -fishing camps. 

Scrapers. — There were five scrapers similar in shape to that shown 
on plate 15, figure 3. A second form of scraper, represented by one 
specimen of chert and one of white flint, is shown on the same plate 
in figure 1. Figure 2 shows a specimen made of black obsidian 
streaked with red. It was the only specimen of obsidian found at the 
surf -fishing camps, there being nowhere even a fragment of obsidian 
refuse. This specimen can be considered as either a scraper or a 
knife. Its edges are worn quite smooth by long use. 

Drill. — A drill made of greenish chert and having an exceedingly 
attenuated point is shown on plate 15, figure 14. 

Arrow Points. — Three arrow points of chert are shown on plate 15, 
figures 4, 7, and 8. Another specimen had a single notch in the base 
as shown in the piece from Gimther island, illustrated on plate 14, 
figure 6. Plate 15, figure 6, shows an arrow point made of white 
translucent chalcedony, while figure 8 shows one made of a mottled 
brown and gray chert. The latter is of a form having extra long barbs 
and serrated edges, such as are more commonly found at site 34. 

Sinkers. — Forty-two elliptical or disk-shaped sinkers were found 
at the surf -fishing camps. All but one or two were made of sandstone, 
and were in general of about the same size as those already described 
from Gunther island (pi. 17, fig. 7). One of a larger size, 112 mm. 
in longest diameter, weighed 7.5 ounces. 



388 



Universitu of Califurnia PuhHcdtions in Am. Arch, aiul Ethn. [Vol. 14 



Hammer Stones. — There were a dozen olilong pebbles of sandstone, 
varying from G5 nun. to 11^7 nun. in length and from 5.7 to 16.5 oiineea 
in weiglit, which luid marks npoii tlieir ends showing that they had 
been nsed as Jiauuner stones. One of these is shown on plate 17, 
figure 6. 

I'roblrmatical StoiK Object. — Text figure S shows an object found 
at tiie surf-fishing eanips by Dandy Bill and still in his possession. 
The object is about three inches long, and is shaped much like a maul. 
When (piestioned, Dandy Bill put on an air of mystery and stated that 
he knew what the object was, lliough he declined to tell. 

MISCELLANEOUS SITES 

Stone Club from Site <A— When .Mr. Clark purchased his farm at 
the bend of Mad river some twenty years ago, there was a clul)-like 
stone object at the farm buildings wliich iiresumably came from site 9, 
or at least from some of the sites of that vicinity. This object, which 
is shown in outline in text figure 9, has a length of 2:3Vo inches and 
a diameter at the base of 21/4 inches. It gradually tapers to within an 
inch of the top, where it has a diameter of 1% inches just below the 
head, which is 2 inches in diauK'ter, and which has a small mortar-like 
depression in the top. It is not to l)e considered a pestle because of its 
slimness, which would cause it to be easily broken. Besides, the base 
seems too round to serve to advantage for such a purpose. 

There is at the nuiscum a similar stone obji^ct, no. 1-14607, shown 
iu outline in text figure 10. ii is 2si '^ inches long and 2i,i; inches in 
greatest diameter. The ujjjjcr jiart is somewhat elliptical in cro.ss- 
section, having diameters of l'',,; and 1% inches just below the head. 
There is no sign on the liase of its ever having been used as a ])estle. 
Unfortunately, the only data we have regarding this rather unique 
S]iecimen is that it is Californian, and forms part of a collection 
obtained from such widely separated regions as San Nicolas island of 
the Santa Barbai'a grou]) and uoi-thwcstirn (California. As it is so 
nearly like the object from Mad ri\-ei-, imt only in shape but in the 
texture of the sandstone material from wliich it is made, there is a 
fair presumption that it may also have come from noi'thwesteru Cali- 
fornia, and that both are another I'oi'm of tin' ceremonial war-club or 
slave-killer. Text figure 12 shows the outline of a medium sized pestle, 
whih' text figure 11 shows the longest ]iestle in the museum's collec- 
tions from iHU'thwestei'n ( 'alil'ornia, drawn to the same scale as the 
two stone clubs. These pesth's ai'e IS-',,; and 261 x inches in length 



191?J Loud: Ethnogeograpliy and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 



389 



(see description, p. 362). Moorehead^"- gives an illustration of a 
Porno pestle about 35 inches long; hence it would not be impossible 
on the score of length that these two club-like objects are pestles. 

Pipe from Site. 27. — Plate 17, figure 3a., shows the bowl of a pipe 
which is made of steatite and which was found by the family of 
'My. W. J. Innue at site 27. It is similar to many modern pipes of the 

o 





9 10 

Fig. 8. Maul sliaped object of unknown use found by Danjy Bill on site 
10, 11, or 12. Two-thirds natural size. 

Pig. 9. Stone club from site 9 (?). One-tentli natural size. 

Fig. 10. Stone club from California, exact provenience unknown. No. 1-14607. 
One-tenth natural size. 

Fig. 11. Pestle from Weitchpec on the Klamath. No. 1-11676. One-tenth 
natural size. 

Fig. 12. Pestle from Hupa valley. No. 1-816. One-tenth natural size. 



Klamath River region, which have a bowl of steatite and a wooden 
stem. Several of these are illustrated in volume 1, plate 17, of the 
present series. 

Objects from Site 34. — Mr. C. S. Ellis, who has lived upon the land 
occupied by site 34 for twenty-five years, has in his possession a series 
of articles obtained from this site. They include several abalone 
pendants, seventy large red spherical glass beads each 21 mm. in 
diameter, and over thirty arrow points made of chert of varying 
colors, green, brown, red, drab, gray, and black. Some, especially the 



302 W. K. Moorehead, Prehistoric Implements, p. 290. 



390 TJniversitij of California Fuhlications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol.14 

green ones, are transparent. Others are variegated in color, or 
speckled with gray and black. Text figui'es 13a-, b, and c give the 
outlines of several of Mr. Ellis' arrow points, which are of unusually 
thin, delicate, beautiful workmanship, and have extraordinary long 
barbs.^"^ Some pieces of this type also have sen-ated edges. Text 
figure 13d shows another type, comprising half a dozen specimens, 
which have a cruder fini.sli and but one notch in the base. 

Objects from Site 43. — Mr. W. R. Lindsey has found quite a luun- 
ber of chert arrow points, scrapers, and the like at site 43. One of 
these arrow points is shown on plate 15, figure 10. It reveals a man- 
ner of hafting not very common in tlie region. 

Pestle from Site 54. — Plate 16, figure 2, shows a crude pestle, 
220 mm. in length, obtained from site 54. It was made from a stone 
having a triangular cross-section, being roughly pecked at the angles. 

Ohjecis from Site 68. — Robert Oiuither has obtained a considerable 
nuiuber (if spi-eimens from thf shillniDUiid at tile center of the island 
1)11 which he has liis residence, as well as from the mound (site 67) 
at the northeast end of the island. Some of these pieces are now on 
exhibit in the Eureka Public Library. Among specimens which were 
disposed of in other ways, and wlinsi' whereabouts are now unknown, 
were one or two slave-killers from site 68. A dozen chipped imple- 
ments of chert from site 68 were presented to the University of 
California. Of these, five are scrapers having the same form as is 
shown in plate 15, figure 5; five others are drills, of wliieh two are 
shown on the same plate, figur'S 13 and 15. Other objects found on 
site 68 include cla.v balls, as already mentioned, also a mastodon tooth 
wliieli the Indians had doul)tIess lirought from some of the fossil beds 
of the region. 

Cliijl Ohjeet from Site SO. — Plate 17, figure 4, shows an object of 
clay fnuiid by the writer on site 80. One end is broken off, but the 
portion that remains has thi.' following dimensions: length 115 mm., 
width 44 mm., thickness 21 mm. It has much the shape of a scythe 
whetstone, both .sides being flat and the edges rounding. The clay 
from which it was made contained a cousideral)le amount of iron, 
wliieh makes tin- ol)jeet Very liea\y. There is also a sufSeii'iit amount 
of saiul to give it rougimess, so that it is ju'esumed to have been an 
abrading implement. 



^"■■i W. K. Moorclieriil, aiiioug tlie niinieroiis illiistr.Ttimis in his Stone Age in 
ifortli. Amerii-d, 1910, sliows thirty or forty similar spccimou.s from Oregou. As 
the present \vriter docs not recollect seeing a like form elsewhere, he is inclined to 
regard it as an Orcgonian type. If this liyjiothcsis is correct the occurrence at 
Humboldt ba}' is only another ease of cultural relationship with the north. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 391 

Objects from Site 99. — This site, half a mile from Hooktowii slough 
and at an elevation of about 200 feet above sea level, furnishes arrow 
points at every plowing. Text figure 14 shows the outline of an adze 
handle which is in the Golden Gate Park Memorial Museum, San 
Francisco (no. 4619.L.), and which from the data with the specimen 
undoubtedly came from site 99 or its near vicinity. The handle has 
an extraordinary curve, and is made of finelj' polished sandstone. 
Altogether, this is the finest specimen of its kind the writer has seen. 





15 



Fig. 13. Arrow points from site 34. Collection of Mr. C. S. Ellis. One-half 
natural size. 

Fig. 1-t. Adze handle from site 99 (?). Memorial Museum, San Francisco, 
no. 4619.L. One-quarter natural size. 

Fig. 15. Stone club from Scotia. Memorial Museum, San Francisco, no. 
4622.L. One-quarter natural size. 



Objects from Site 106. — Mr. William Phelan has plowed out a 
considerable number of chipped implements from site 106. Two 
specimens of red chert are long enough to be spear points. One, 
having an original length of about 105 mm. before being broken, is 
shown on plate 15, figui-e 9. A smaller object of brown chert, 48 mm. 
in length, which might be either a spear point or an arrow point, is 
shown on the same plate, figure 11. This is the only location in "Wiyot 
territory where spear points are known to have been found. 

War-club from Scotia. — Text figure 15 shows the outline of an 
implement of sandstone from Scotia, probably from the Sinkyone 
Indian village site given in the list of geographical names as tokene- 



392 University of California Puhlications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. li 

woLok. The objuet is in the possi'ssiou of tlie 3Iemorial Museum, San 
Francisco (no. 4G22.L). Part has been broken off, but the remaining 
portion lias the following dimensions: length 2-15 mm., width 79 mm., 
greatest thickness 2-i mm. It is not essentially different from the 
implements from the Klamath river region usually designated as 
war-elubs. 

Crrcmonial Stone Object. — One spear point (pi. 15, fig. 12), whose 
original length was jirobably about 58 mm., made of green chert, was 
presented to the writer by Dandy ISill, who did not remember where 
he got it. lie said that his father used to make chipped implements 
but none of this kind, which is called sicutsuk and is never made by 
Indians. The ground has ])ains, sihtk, as people have them, and then 
the sH'iitsuk come up out of the earth. ^°'' 



SI'-MMARY AND CONCLUSION 

The peo])le s))eaking the Wiyot language, probably numbering 
abiiut 1000 souls in 1850, oecupii'd in historic times about 465 scpiare 
miles of territoi-y about the shores of Humboldt bay and the lower 
courses of Mad and Eel rivrrs. Of this former population there were 
left at the time of tlie ]!)10 census 58 full blood Wiyot, 13 persons 
partly Wiyot and partly of other Indian blood, and SI individuals 
partly Wiyot and jiartlx- of white blood, ''"^ making a total of 152. 
As there are only 11 i)crsiins of full Wiyot blood under the age of 
twenty, it is quite evident that the group will slmrtly be abscu'bed 
into the white population. Ai tlie present tiiiii' all memliers (if the 
tribe are held in quite general respect and esteem, being, to say the 
least, of fully average morality, industry, and intelligence. In fact, 
there are but two ])ersoiis of Wiyot blood between the ages of ten and 
fdi-ty who are illiterate.'"" 

Because of the dense forest environment, the principal food in the 
past was neither vegi'table nor game, but lish and mollusks. As the 



'»<i A. L. Kidi'liiT in Rclif^iun ol' tlie In.liaus of California, present series, iv, 
833, li)()7, .sjieaks of "jiains'' as being small, material, sujiernatnr.al objects enter- 
in;; linnian bodies ami causing disease. The disease is sai<l to be cured by the 
shaman .sucking the "pain" from the body, the "pain" then being exhibited to 
the ])atient as an assurance that he will recover. . 

3«5 Indian Po]iulation in tlie United States and Alaska, 1910. V. S. Bureau of 
the Census, [i. l.")0 (101.")). A member of the museum staff, returning from a trip 
to northern California Just previous to the tinu- of this paper going to press, says 
tliat five of the older Wiyot, including Dauily Bill and Tom Brown, our inform- 
ants, have dieil iluring tlie past two years. 

■m: lh„l.. jip. 210, 224. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeologi/ of the Wiyot Territory 393 

physical enviroument was the same in former as in recent times, 
the area occupied bj^ the Wiyot people forms a convenient unit for 
both archaeological and ethnographical studj'. Within the limits 
selected, 172 village sites, both prehistoric and historic, were located. 

Excavation in one of the principal ancient sites revealed the fact 
that in more recent times the inhabitants of the region buried the dead 
in a straight position upon the back, while previously cremation had 
been the rule. In material culture the former inhabitants resembled 
in the main the modern Indians of the Klamath River region. We 
would venture to place the center of the culture area on the Klamath 
river, perhaps near the mouth of the Trinity. To the south of Cape 
Mendocino none but the most meager of cultural resemblances are to 
be found, while in the opposite direction some resemblances occur even 
as far north as Puget sound. 

We are best able to trace specific cultural relationship with the 
northern Indians through the implements called slave-killers, though 
whether or not these implements were really used to kill slaves at 
Humboldt bay must be left for future investigation to reveal. If we 
recognize a cultiu'e area based on the distribution of the slave-killer 
alone, we should find the area to take in Humboldt bay, Klamath 
river. Trinity river, John Daj' river, probably the Des Chutes river, 
the lower Columbia river valley, and Puget sound northward to Van- 
couver. The 28 specimens of this implement hitherto found in this 
area are distributed as follows: 8 from Gunther island, 9 supposedly 
from tlie poi'tion of Klamath river occupied by the Karok and Shasta 
Indians, 1 from Trinity count j' in Wintuu territory, 3 from John Day 
river in Shahaptian territoiy, 5 from Willamette slough and the lower 
Columbia river in Chinook territory, and 2 from Puget sound in 
Salishan territory. So far, then, as the present known number of 
specimens are concerned, the center would be on the middle Klamath. 

From what little is kno^vn in other respects of the material culture 
of the Oregon Indians, principally those of the Columbia valley, we 
are able to see occasionally a hint of cultural relationship and it is 
expected that further researches will reveal other resemblances to the 
Wiyot. 



394 



University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 



TABLES 
TABLE 1 

Forest Trees of the Wiyot Territory 

Common size Extreme size 

^ A ^ A ^ 

PiN-E Family Height Diameter Height Diameter 

YeWov! -pine, Pinus pondcrosa 60-200 2-9 300" 15° 

Digger pine, Pinus sabiniana 40- 50 1- 4 80' 

Sugar pine, Pinus lambertiana 80-250 2- 8 18' 

Beach pine, Pinus contorta 10- 40 5-15* 200* 

Coast hemlock, Tsuga hcterophylla 100-200 1- 4 10» 

Tiileland spruce, Picca sitchensis 80-200 3-20 300' 30» 

Douglas spruce, P.itudot.'<uffa taxifolia 100-230 4- 8 380' 15" 

Lowland fir, Abies (irandis 80-lCO 1- 3 300" 6' 

Coast redwood, Sequoia sempervirens 100-300 5-15 380" 33" 

Red cedar, Tsuja plicnta 50- 80 1- 3 250" 33" 

Port Ort'ord cedar, Chamatcyparis 

lawsoniana 80-175 2- 4 200 12 

Yew Family 

Western yew, Toj-iis bnvifoUa 15- 40 1- 2 75' 3' 

Willow Family 

Nuttall willow, Salix fiavrsccns 5- 25 9-18* 70 30*' 

Velvet willow, Salix sitchrnsis 5- 25 3-10* 12*' 

Black Cottonwood, P-/)«;H.?;cic;(«)ra/7)(i 30-100 1-3 200 8 

BiKcn Family 

Red alder, Alniis rubra 40- 90 1- 2 100" 4« 

Oak Family 

Oregon oak, Qucrcus yarryana 25- 50 2- 5 80 7' 

Black oak, Qucrcus kelloggii 30- 85 1- 4 100" 8" 

Tan oak, Pasania densiflora 40-100 1- 4 150 6» 

California chestnut, Castanea chryso- 

phylhi 50-100 2- (> 150" 9" 

Lavkkl Family 

Pepperwood, UnibcUularia calif arnica 40-100 1- 6 150" 9 

Rosi: Family 

Oregon crab-apple, Pyrus rivularis .... 15- 30 1' 40' 18*' 

Maplk Family 

Big leaf maple, Acer macrophyllum .... 20- (30 1- 3 100 5 

DoowooD Family 

Dogwood, r'n/-««S H».(f(l»i( 10-50 1-2" 100" 

Hkath Family 

Ma.lrona, Arbutus meuziesii 20-125 1- 5 130" 10" 

Ash Family 

Oregon ash, Fraxinus orcgona 30- 80 1- 3 100" 4' 

Honeysuckle Family 

Blue elderberry, Samhucus glauca 15- 28 6-18* 28 28* 

* Both the height and the diameter are always in feet except where indicated by an 
asterisk, in which case the diameter is in inches. Tlie authority unless otherwise noted is 
W. L. Jepson, Silva of California, 1910. 

* A. Kellogg, Forest Trees of California, 1882. 

' E. P. Sheldon. Forest Wealth of Oregon, 1894. 

' C. S. Sargent, Sylva of North America, rv, VI, IX, xil, 1891-1002. 
" B. Brereton, The Practical Lumberman, ed. 2, 1911. 

" Hutchings' California Magazine. 1856, quoted bv W. W. Elliott & Co., History of Hum- 
boldt County, California, p. 140, 1881. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the TViyot Territory 395 



Shellmound Samples trom Site 67 Graded According to Size op Constituents 

Pme<= Finesf 

% % 

.47 90.91 

.15 99.03 

1.10 72.68 

.25 98.71 

1.10 60.02 

4.17 55.70 

.70 95.89 

1.66 73.48 

1.63 80.40 

Average of percentages 16.20 1.79 1.25 80.76 

" Caught on a sieve having 8 meshes to the inch. 

•* Passing through a sieve of 8 meshes but caught on one of 16 meshes to the inch. 

•= Passing through a sieve of 16 meshes but caught on one of 25 meshes to the inch. 
•^ Passing through a sieve of 25 meshes to the inch. 



Layer 
I 


Depth, 

ft. 
1 


Quantity 
grams 

308 


II 


2 


1216 


III 


2 


3304 


V 


3 


366 


VII 


3.2 


990 


XI 


4 


635 


XV 


6 


345 


XVI 


6.5 


302 


XVI 


8 


2024 



TABLE 2 




57 Graded A 


.CCORDINC 


Coarse'* 

% 

7.86 


Medium" 
% 
.75 


.52 


.29 


23.21 


3.00 


.48 


.55 


36.71 


2.17 


36.25 


3.88 


2.49 


.92 


22.32 


2.55 


15.93 


2.02 


16.20 


1.79 









TABLE 3 












Analys: 


IS OF Shellmound 


Samples from 


Site 67 






Depth 
Layer ft. 


Quantity 
grams 


Shell 

% 


Fish 

Vo 


Bird 

% 


Charcoal 

% 


Rock 

% 


Clay 

% 


Residue 

% 


I 1 


308 


7.88 


.20 


.23 


.54 


.23 




90.91 


II 2 


1216 


.53 


.06 


.03 


.07 


.07 


.20 


99.03 


V 3 


366 


.05 






.90 


.17 


.16 


98.71 


XI 4 


635 


43.80 


.08 




.03 


.39 




55.70 


XV 6 


345 


3.65 


.03 


.03 


.32 


.09 




95.89 


XVI 6.5 


302 


23.84 


.10 




1.92 


.66 




73.48 


XVI 8 


2024 


17.64 


.03 


.01' 


1.80 


.07 


.02 


80.40 


Average of 7 


' samples 


13.91 


.07 


.04 


.80 


.24 


.06 


84.87 


III 2 


3304 


16.10 


.58 


9.75 


.26 


.55 


.07 


72.68 


VII 3.2 


990 


31.78 


4.86 


1.72 


.58 


.10 


.92 


60.02 


0-6 


5 gal." / 


15.95- 
18.87- 


.22+ 
.25+ 


.03-1- 
.04+ 


.24 

.27 


.09+ 
.10+ 


.03 
.04 


80.43 
83.44 



" Also about an equal amount of cetacean bones. 

*• Five gallons, or some 20,000 to 25,000 grams, taken in about equal amounts from all 
depths down to six feet. The two sets of figures indicate the extremes of calculations based 
on rough estimates made in the field checked up by a more careful analysis at the University 
of material passing through a sieve with four meshes to the inch. Because of the unknown 
amounts of bone and rock caught on the sieve along with the coarser shell, an unknown, 
though small, percentage should be subtracted from the figures for the percentage of shell, 
and added to that of the fish, bird, and rock. 



396 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 



■^ABLE 4 

Veltebrate Remains — Site G7 





0- 


-3 fl. 


Artifaits 


Xo. 


(Jranis 


Cerviilae bone 


4t; 


902 


(-'erviilae liorn 


. 18 


(ill 


Binl boue 


13 


48 


Nut Artifacts 






Cetacean* 


3 


7i;.i 


Seals 


. 17 
9 


221) 


Sea-otter 


o8 




20 
42 


i7(; 


Cervidae bone 


1 1 4.-, 


Cervidae horn , 


34 


482 


Misc. mammal 


. 144 


521 


Bird" 




2302 


Fish' 


. 112 


01 



:i-6 ft. 6-9 ft. Total 

Xm. (irains Xo. Grams No. Grams 

20 4(14 2 47 68 1413 

811 35 1422 

15 55 

26 6083 

52 1133 

15 133 

20 176 

119 3412 

47 879 

371 1838 

3968 

146 .8.1 



21 


.-.160 


34 


800 


3 


59 


60 


1559 


187 


1116 




1613 


34 


24 



o 


158 


1 


17 


3 


16 


17 


70S 


40 


221 




r».'i 



Total 4.j8 7297 391 1210U (i-l 1220 914 20617 

« One piece from upper levels weighed 727 grams, and a vertebra from a depth of bver 
three feet weighed 4422 grams. 

'' Ai)proximately 2000 pieces from upper three feet. 1000 pieces from three to six feet 
deep, and 37 pieces frum a greater deptli. Figures do not include some 400 pieces over an 
inch in length from a pocket in layer III for winch see table :^. 

'^ Does not include the pncket of lish hone friini layer VII. 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 397 



TABLE 5 

Human Eemains and Number of Associated Artifacts — Site 67 



'5 

1 







a 


Weigh 
Adult 


a 








o 


Bone 
Shell 


o 




1 


.8 




X 


25 X 




2 


1 








3 


2 


8 


6 


1. 


X 




70 X 





















3 


1.2 





X 


25 X 




1 


12 






1 . 






14 


9 


1.3 





X 


5 X 





G 


.... 






4 


3 


3 


16 


19 


1.7 




X 


82 X 


.... 


7 


4 


2' 


3' 


.... 


4 


2 


22 


21 


1.8 


X 


.... 


0.2 .... 


a 




.... 


.... 













2 


2. 




X 


1.5 .... 


b 


15 


1 


V 




2 




1 


20 


4 


2. 




X 


23 X 




18 




1" 




o 






21 


5 


2.2 


X 




17 X 




















12 


2.3 




X 


40 X 




5 


2 




13 


1 . 






21 


20 


2.3 




X 


0.4 ? 




.... 


4 






3 . 






7 


8 


2.8 


X 





79 X 






















10 


2.8 


.... 


X 


36 X 






.... 




1 


1 


1 




3 


7 


3. 


X 


.... 


91 X 




1 










2 




3 


22 


3. 


X 




0.1 .... 


a 


















13 


3. 




X 


c 




2 






1 


1 


1 


1 


6 


11 


3.2 




X 


d 


b 












2 


1 


3 


18 


3.5 




X 


2 .... 


• 


1 






1 


1 


2 


1 


6 


15 


4.5 




X 


■^ .... 




2 


1 




1 








4 


16 


4.5 


.... 


X 


7.1 X 










.... 




.. 







14 


4.8 




X 


6.3 X 




28 


5 


I- 


73 


3 


1 


1 


112 


17 


5.8 




X 


10 X 





















Total 



6 16 



15 



88 30 5 93 19 19 12 266 



* Very young infant. 
>■ Child. 

= No bone remains but cremation indicated by charcoal and artifacts. 
•* Human remains consisted of one tooth only. 

* Adolescent. 

' One pipe, one slave-killer. 

e Pipe. 

" Slave-killer. 

' One clay pipe. 



398 



University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 



TABLE 6 

Scattered Artifacts — Site (17 



a 

.5° 
1. 
1.5 

O 

2.5 

3. 

3.5 

4. 

4.5 



(5. 
7. 

0-3 
3-6 



o 
1 
1 



3 



Total 2 



10" 
5 
9 

4 

7 



15 
4° 



1" 



3 
3 
9 
(J 
8 
5 
4 
(i 
1 



80' 



2 3 45 
articles 6 to 9 i 



11 

deep. 



53 30 



" One m.^ul 4 in. deei>, otlie 

^ Fragments of slave-killers. 

<= Not including seven fragments. 

•1 Fragment of a dish (pi. 16. fig. G). 

* Hammer stones found at the museum among samples of stone. 

' Including 8 specimens really not sandstone. 



3 


H 




23 


1 


21 




33 




18 




31 




21 




14 




17 




13 


1 


9 




4 


1 


2 




1 




2(i 




4 



237 



1918] Loud: Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory 



399 



TABLE 7 
Chipped Implements — Site 67 

Obsidian White flint 



Chert 



K 


Q 


« 


« 


W 


■< 


1 


.8 










3 


1.2 










9 


1.3 


1 


2 




1 


19 


1.7 







2 




2 


2. 


1 






12 


4 


2. 


1 


1 




7 


12 


2.3 


1 






.... 


7 


3. 




1 




.... 


13 


3. 










18 


3.5 







1 




15 


4.5 











14 


4.8 
6 in. 
9 in. 
1ft. 


1 

1 


1 

1 


.... 


5 



Total 



6 8 



... 1 
1 1 

1? .... 



1? 



u ° 



6 



5 14 



o.- 
u o 



1' 



6). 



i). 



E-i 
2 
1 
6 
7 

15 

18 
5 
1 
2 
1 
2 

28 
2 
2 
1 

93 



» Long double pointed type of ceremonial knife (pi. 13, figs 

^ Single pointed type less than five inches long (pi. 13, figs 

<^ Mostly too fragmentary to classify. 

"^ Two fragmentary knives probably over four inches long, perhaps much longer. 

•^ Red obsidian scraper (text fig. 2). 

'Two drills (pi. 14, figs. 13, 15). 

c Ceremonial blades are over 4 inches long, 2 inches wide, and well worked (pi. 13, 
figs. 3, 4: pi. 14. fig. 1), Knives are smaller and often cruder. In cases of fragmentary 
specimens there is some doubt as to the original size. 

^ All lengths from two inches to over five inches (pi. 13, figs. 5, 9). 

' Drill (pi. 14, fig. 14). 

J Scraper (pi. 15, fig. 5). 



400 



Vniversitij of California Puhiications in Am. Arch, and Etlin. [Vol.14 



TABLE 8 
Sandstone Implements — Site 67 



tf 


P 


1 


.8 


i-> 


1.2 


]9 


1.7 


O 


2 


12 


2.3 


L'O 


2.3 


15 


4..5 


14 


4..5 




' .,"i 




1. 




1.5 



3. 


5 


4. 




4. 


-J 


5. 




5. 


5" 


0- 


-3 



Total 



1 1 



].- 



21 



11 



1 

4" 

4- 



-.O' 



•» Olio sinker and ii trii'»'li'tl .sttnu' at di-iiths of ."i -"^i ft>rt. 

^ One maul at a deplli uf -( inchfs. 

*^ Iiiehiding 8 siieciiiiens tint nf saiul.stnnf Init of fciiiker type. 

'■ One of sranite. 

o One of chert. 

' One of iiorpliyry. 

E One of Kl-aiiite and oi ' cliiTt. 

•■ Mostly too fra^nnentary jo classify. 

' One problematical stone id.ject (Jil. 17, tig. ."i ) . 

) FraKiiient of an anvil nr inortar slab usi'd with .a basket ln>pper. 



V 

1 



1 

12 
4 
1 
2 
4 
1 
5 

10 
5 
9 
4 
7 
2 
5 



110 



1918] Loud: Etlmogeograpliy and Archaeologji of the Wiyot Territory 401 



TABLE 9 

Bone Artifacts — Site 67 



Bird 



Mammal 



4) 




3 


1.2 


9 


1.3 


2 


2. 


4 


2. 


12 


2.3 


20 


2.3 


10 


2.8 


13 


3. 


18 


3..5 


14 


4.8 




^ .5 




1. 




1.5 


to 
c 
'u 


2. 
2.5 
3. 
3.5 

4. 




4.5 




6-7 




i 0-3 



Total 



6 



2 
1 

3 

5 
2 

4 
5 
1 

4 

25 
4 





t> 


H 


... 


1 


1 
4 
2 
2 
1 




2 


3 
1 
1 


1 


.... 


1 
3 

4 
7 


1 




13 




2" 


6 


1 




9 

5 
5 




2' 


6 


1 




1 
2 


1 




6 



39 



» Limb bones, one end cut off. 

^ One awl. 

^ End cut off and rejected in making implements. 

** Mostly too fragmentary to classify. 

® One harpoon point and possibly top of another. 

'Problematical objects (pi. 30, figs. 8 and 9). 

»> One at a depth of 6 ft., the other 7 ft. 



83 



402 



University of California Puhlications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 



TABLE 10 
Shell Objects and Cakbunized Articles — Site 67 

Shell objects 



a 


a 






a 


O 


1 


.8 


I.I 


:.;; 


19 


1.7 


o 


O 






10 


2.8 


7 


3. 


13 


3. 


11 


3.2 


18 


4.,1 


14 


4.8 


tt 


r 1. 


■? 


4..5 






^ 








■ji 


I fj. 



o 
1 
1 
1 



1 
1" 



1- 
1 



1' 
1" 



1" 



1 

2" 

1 

1 





^•3 

■e.% 


1 


1 


1 


1 


1 


1 


1 





5 
6 
6 
1 

1 
2 

2 
3 
3 

2 

1 
2 
1 
1 



Total 



11 



f Figures deiiofe nunil»er iif lots of beads, eto. 

^ Not an artifact, but of rare occurrence. 

* Not counting a piece of worked abalune found on tbe surface of the mound. 

^ Not including a pecten shell found on tlie surface. 




Fold-out 
Placeholder 



This fold-out is being digitized, and will be inserted at a 

future date. 




Fold-out 
Placeholder 



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future date. 



JNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. &, ETHN. VOL. 14 



[ LOUD] PLATE 2 




EXPLANATION OF PLATE 3 

Map sliiiwiii;,' aii'lmcologii-al sitos mar tlir ciitraiico to Huiiiljolilt bay. Basdl 
oil till' P. S. (Joast anil Geodetic Survey map of 1858. 

Small fioiiri's iiiilicate position of cliaiinpls ami ili'ptli in foot at the mean 
of tlie lower low waters. 

Dotted lines inilieate extent of muil tiats at the mean of the lower low waters. 

P>roken eiiiitour lines indicate elevations of 20 feet, 100 feet, and successive 
differem-es of 100 feet above high water. 

Shaded area indicates ninrsli, while dotted area shows old channels of Elk 



[404 J 



UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 14 



[ LOUD 1 PLATE 3 





t=f lELDS L'ANDING^ , ^ 



«^-*:;( 






ENTRANCE TO HUMBOLDT BAY, 1858 



EXPLANATION OF PLATE 4 

Photographic reproduction of a map of Humboldt bay sketched in 1806 by 
Capt. Jonathan Wiusliip, engaged in the fur trade for the Russian-American Com- 
pany. Published as a subchart to general chart XIII Ln Atlas of Northwest 
Coast of America, Aleutian Islands, and other Places in the North Pacific; com- 
piled in 1848 liy Captain Tibenkof and jirinted in 1802 at St. Petersburg. 

Mad river is not shown upon this map while the portion from Little river 
northward was probably taken from Vancouver 's chart. 

Ldiations of four Indian villages are indicated by rectangles. 



[400 ] 



UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 14 



[ LOUD I PLATE 4 




WINSHIP S MAP OF HUMBOLDT BAY, 1806 



EXPLANATIOX OF PLATE 5 

Fig. 1. — Liiiikiiig uortlnvcst from tlie luoutli of Little river; site 2, plet- 
kosoiiiili, "roc-ks-siiKiU," just arouml tlie first point; Little River Rock, a double 
headed rock of 120 ft. elevation, in the center; Trinidad Head, of 380 ft. elevation, 
in the distance beyond Little River Rock; and Pilot Rock, 103 ft. elevation, in 
the distance to the left. A sand bar littereil vvitli driftwood is in the foreground 
to the left (text, p. 227). 

Fig. 2.— View of Red Bluff and Iliiniboldt hill, 100 and 600 ft. elevation 
respectively, taken from aboard ship near the entrance to the bay. 



[ i08 ] 



UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 14 



[ LOUD ] PLATE 5 




Fisj. 1. 




-i73»-53V;:-. 




Fit 



ABRT'PT r(l.\STS 



EXFLAXATION OF PLATE (5 

Fig. 1. — Wivut i;iiii|piii,L: iilaif on Xoitli fork of Mail river at site af, where 
there is a water liole 1- ft. .leep even in tlje dry season (text, p. 2()4). 
Fig. 2. — The " Arrow Tree," site .\H (text, p. 2.JL>). 



410 




c 

2 



O 
> 



C 
CD 



> 

31 
O 

I 



m 

H 
I 
Z 

< 

o 



3 

otq' 




O 

c 
o 



> 

m 



EXPLANATION OF PLATE 7 

Fig. 1. — Sliellmouiul, site 58, light i/olored area iu the ceuter. Eureka slough 
to the left (text, p. 208). 

Fig. 2. — Looking northwest from Ilookton slough towards Table Bluff and 
the modern Indian village, ludianola, situated on au old village site, site 100, 
yawonawoeh. 



[ 412 



UNIV. CALIF. PUBL, AM. ARCH, & ETHN. VOL. 14 [ LOUD 1 PLATE 7 




Km. 1. 




F'lu 



WIVOT VILLAGES OF THE PAST AND OF THE PRESENT 



EXPLANATION OF PLATE 8 

Fig. 1. — Sand duiios to the north of site 37, fifty to sixty feet in elevation, 
Ijurying trees tliree feet in diameter, and doubtless overwhehniug the remains of 
more than one "Old Nation" (text, pp. 276, 281). 

Fig. 2. — Shellmound, site 27, occupied by a modern dwelling (text, p. 276). 



[ 414 



UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 14 



[ LOUD ] PLATE 8 




'\ 






t-te?- 



i-'l.r. 1. 






t i .^iwtj -^ 






RWiHHHfeBM'^*'^^ 




^^^^K^^ -"i-^'' ~ 








IB 


,_i 



Fia 



S.\SD DUNE AND VILI..\GE SITE 



EXPLANATION OF PLATE 9 

Fig. 1. — View of site 67, toloivot, a shellmoimd l-l feet high and 600 feet long, 
extending nearly the entire lengtli of the picture. In the foreground is seen a 
smaller isolated patfli of shell (text, p. 339). 

Fig. 2. — Site 23, digawethotkiL, a sliellnioimd seen over the board fence and 
reacliing back nearly to the woods one quarter of a mile away (text, p. 275). 



[416] 



UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. &. ETHN. VOL. 14 



LOUD 1 PLATE 9 




Fiu. 1. 




Fig. 2. 



SHELL.MOUNDS 



EXPLANATION OF PLATE 10 

Fig. 1. — Site 11. One of fifty or more patches of shell, broken chert, aud 
Ijuriit stones, left exposed by drifting sand, along a three-mile stretch of ocean 
beach (text, p. 279). 

Fig. 2. — Site 11. One of twenty or more patches of small flat stones, left 
exi)Osed by drifting sand along a threo-mile stretch of ocean shore where the 
"Old Nation" used to live (text, pp. 279, 281). 



[418] 



4u fU ft\t M>l 



i.A/ta« •VtKK>\.hn' 



UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. &, ETHN. VOL. 14 



LOUD ] PLATE 10 




>^ 



- --4r 






^=^^^^■ 



■it^> 



S££titi^' ...i^L 



Fig-. 1. 




i-'ia 



WHERE THE "OLD NATION DWELT 



:p3 

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EXPLANATION OF PLATE 13 

Stone knives from site 67. All figures A of natural size. 

Fig. 1. — Blaek obsidian ceremonial knife fcjULid with human remains no. 9 
at a (li'pth of 1.3 feet. Mus. no. 1-18213. 

Fig. 2. — Red obsidian ceremonial knife, with renuiins no. 9. Mus. no. 1-18214. 

PHg. 3. — Wliite flint ceremonial knife, with remains no. 1 at a depth of 9 
inches. Mus. no. l-lSOiil. 

Fig. 4. — White flint knife, with remains no. 12 at a depth of 2.3 feet. Mus. 
no. 1-18070. 

Fig. Ti. — Greenish ehert knife from a depth of inches. Mus. no. 1-18308. 

Fig. (i. — Red obsidian knife, with remains no. 7 at a depth of 3 feet. Mus. 
no. 1-18000. 

Fig. 7. — Black obsidian knife, with remains no. 19 at a depth of 1.7 feet. 
Mus. no. 1-18234. 

Pig. 8. — Black obsidian knife or scrapier with remains no. 18 at a depth of 
3.5 feet. Mus. no. 1-18212. 

Fig. 9. — Graj- chert knife, with remains no. 9 at a deptli of 1.3 feet. Mus. 
no. 1-18216. 



[420] 



UNIV. CALIF. PUBL, AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 14 



LOUD ] PLATE 13 



9^ 









1 \ / 




m 







9 



EXPLANATION OF PLATE 14 

Chipped implements from site 67, found in association with cremated human 
remains. Figure 1 with remains no. 9 at a depth of 1.3 feet. Figures 2, 5, (3, 7, 
9, 11, 12, 13, and 15 with remains no. 14 at a depth of 4.8 feet. Figure 3 with 
remains no. 2 at a depth of 2 feet. Figures 4, 10, and 14 with remains no. 4 at a 
deptli of 2 feet. Figure 8 witli remains no. 13 at a depth of 3 feet. All figures 
.98 natural size. 

Fig. 1. — Fragment of a wliite flint Ivnife. Mus. no. 1-18217. 

Fig. 2. — Dark brown chert arrow point. Mus. no. 1-18107. 

Fig. 3. — Greenish chert arrow j)oint. Mus. no. 1-I80."i2. 

Fig. 4. — Black obsidian arrow point. Mus. no. 1-18003. 

Fig. 5. — White flint arrow point. Mus. no. 1-18109. 

Fig. li. — Wliite flint arrow point. Mus. no. 1-18112. 

Fig. 7. — Black obsidian arrow point. Mus. no. 1-18103. 

Fig. 8. — White flint spear point or drill. Mus. no. 1-182()1. 

Pig. 9. — White flint arrow point or drill. Mus. no. 1-18111. 

Fig. 10.— White flint drill. Mus. no. 1-18014. 

Fig. 11.— White flint drill. Mus. no. 1-18114. 

Fig. 12.— White flint drill. Mus. no. 1-18105. 

Fig. 13. — Black obsidian drill. Mus. no. 1-18104. 

Fig. 14. — Brown chert drill. Mus. no. 1-18012. 

Fig. 15.— Black obsidian drill. Mus. no. 1-1810(1. 



[ 422 ] 



UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH, & ETHN, VOL. 14 



[ LOUD I PLATE 14 




CHIl'rEl) IMPLEMENTS 



EXPLANATION OF PLATE 15 

Cliipped imjilcnieuts from various sites. All figures .87 uatural size. 

Fig. 1. — Reil cliert scraper from site 10. Mus. no. 1-178IJ9. 

Fig. 2. — Black ami red oljsidian scraper or liiiife from site 10. Mus. no. 
l-178lil. 

Fig. 3. — Brown and greeuisli cliert scraper from site 10. Miis. no. 1-17808. 

Fig. 4. — Greenisli gray arrow point from site 10. Mus. no. 1-1781)5. 

Fig. 5. — Brown clicrt si'rajjer from site <i7 at a dc'ijth of 9 inclics. Mus. 
no. 1-18310. 

Fig. 0. — Wliite translucent clialcedouy arrow point from site 10. Mus. no. 
1-178(12. 

Fig. 7. — RimI <-licrt arrow jioint from site 10. Mus. no. 1-17871. 

Fig. 8. — Brown and gray arrow point from site 10. Mus. no. 1-I78ii4. 

Fig. 9. — Red cliert spear point from site 10(5. Mus. no. 1-17991. 

Fig. 10. — Greenish chert arrow point from site -43. Mus. no. 1-I79(i7. 

Fig. 11. — Brown chert spear or arrow point from site 100. Mus. no. 1-17993. 

Fig. 12. — Greenish chert spear point of a. "kind not made by Indians but 
thrown up by the grmiud w-lien it lias a iiaiii.'' Gift of Dandy Bill. Mus. no. 
1-1799(). 

Fig. 13.— Brown chert drill from site G8. Mus. no. 1-17982. 

Fig. 14. — (ireenisli chert drill from site 10. Mus. no. 1-1786G. 

Fig. 15.— Red chert drill from site (38. Mus. no. 1-17983. 



[ 424 



UNIV, CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. &. ETHN. VOL. 14 



LOUD 1 PLATE 15 




CHIPPED IMPLEMENTS 



EXPLANATION OF PLATE 1(3 

Stone imjjlcments. Figure 2 from site 54, the otliers from site 67. All figures 
.29 natural size. 

Fig. 1. — Pestle found with human remains no. 3 at a depth of 1.3 feet. Mus. 
no. 1-18022. 

Fig. 2.— Pestle from site 54. Mus. no. 17977. 

Fig. 3. — Maul found with remains no. 20 at a depth of 2.3 feet. Mus. no. 
1-182(39. 

Pig. 4. — Maul found with remains no. 19 at a depth of 1.7 feet. Mus. no. 
1-18254. 

Fig. 5. — A .stone partially shaped into a maul when it was split longitudin- 
ally. Mus. no. 1-18504. 

Fig. (i. — Fragment of a steatite dish from a depth of 2.5 feet. Mus. no. 
1-18301. 

Fig. 7. — Adze handle found with remains no. 1 at a depth of 9 inches. Mus. 
no. 1-180(30. 

Fig. 8.— Adze handle from a depth of 1.5 feet. Mus. no. 1-18281. 



[42(3] 



UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. &. ETHN. VOL. 14 



I LOUD I PLATE 16 




V.\RIOUS STONE IMPLEMENTS 



EXrLAXATIOX OF PLATE 17 

Objects from various sites. All figures .5 natural size. 

Fig. 1(1 and lli. — Photographic reproJuction and cross-section of a steatite 
pipe from site 07. Found with liuman remains no. 2 at a depth of 2 feet. Mus. 
no. 1-18038. 

Fig. 2. — Steatite pipe from site 67. Found with remains no. 19 at a depth 
of 1.7 feet. Mus. no. 1-18239. 

Figs. 3(( and 3/j. — Photographic reproduction ami cross-section of a Ijowl of a 
pipe made of steatite, from site 27. Mus. no. 1-179.53. 

Fig. 4. — Abrading implement of clay from site 80. Mus. no. 1-17990. 

Fig. .5. — Problematical stone object from sit<> 67. Found with remains no. 1-4 
at a depth of 4.8 feet. Mus. no. 1-1 81 IS. 

Fig. 6. — Hammer stone from sites 11, 12, or 13. Mus. no. 1-17923. 

Fig. 7. — Xet sinker from site 67. Mus. no. 1-18312. 

Figs. 8a and 8fc. — Side view and transverse cross-section of a girdled stone 
from site 67 at a depth of 1.3 feet. Mus. no. 1-18345. 

Fig. 9. — Girdled stone from the beach at site 67. Mus. no. 1-I8.j26. 



[428] 



UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. &. ETHN. VOL. 14 



[ LOUD 1 PLATE 17 




la 









PIPES, SINKERS, ETC. 



EXPLANATION OF PLATE 18 

Cfremouial stone cliil.s or slave-killers made of steatite. Figures 1, 2, and 3 
from site 67. Figure 4 obtained from the Yurok of Klamath river. Fig:ure 3o 
and U .9 natural size, all other litrures .2(5 natural size. 

Figs, la and lb.— Two views of a slave-killer, 41 (i mm. in leugtli, weight 8G7 
grams (30.6 ounces), found with human remains no. 19 at a d.'pth of 1.7 feet. 
Mus. no. 1-18231. Fig. It-.— Cross-sceticm (]f the same at the position indicated 

by the arrow. 

Pig 2n.— Slave-killer, 322 mm. in length, weight 402 grams, found with 
remains no. 14 at a depth of 4.8 feet. Mus. no. 1-I80!t3. Fig. 2i,.— Cross-section 
of the same at the position indicated by tlje arrow. 

Figs. 3a and ^b. — Two views of a niiiiiaf iiic imitation of a slave-killer, .54 nnn. 
in length, weight 9 grams (.3 ounce), fouml with remains no. 4 at a depth of 
2 feet. Mus. no. 1-18018. 

Fig. 4.— Stone club 423 mm. in length, weight 940 grams. Mus. no. 1-1570. 



[ 430 ] 



UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH, & ETHN. VOL, 14 



LOUD 1 PLATE 18 





STONE CI.ri).S FHliM WIVOT AXD YUKDK .\KEAS 



EXPLAXATIOX OF PLATE 19 

W;irelubs aud slave-killers from various parts of America. Figure 6, made 
from lioiie of a whale ; all others of stone. Figure 9, takeu from C. B. Moore, 
Certain Aboriginal IJeniains of tlie Black Warrior River, Jour. Acad. Nat. Sci. 
I'hila., xiil, 134, 190.j. All other figures taken from H. I. Smith, Archaeology of 
til.' (iulf of Georgia aud I'uget Sound, Mem. .Am. Mus. Xat. Hist., IV, 1907. All 
figures .21 natural size. 

l'"ig. 1. — Probalily from Klanuitli river. ( Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass.) 

Fig. 2. — Found three meters deep at Poornurns Bar, Scott river, Siskiyou 
county, Calif oruia. (Collected by Dr. F. G. Hearn. ) 

Fig. 1:1. — From Willamette slougli, <'iilund(ia county, Oregon. (Collected by 
Judge F. A. Moore. ) 

Fig. 4. — Probaljly from Klamath river. (Peabody Musemn, Cambridge, Mass.) 

Fig. 5. — From Shovel Creek Springs, Siskiyou county, California, 20 miles 
west of Klamath lake. (Collected by J. W. Gotcher.) 

Fig. fi. — From Barclaj' souml, west coast of Vancouver islanil. (ISoyal Ethno- 
grajjlncal Museum, Berlin.) 

Fig. 7. — From north arm of Burrad Inh't, near Vancouver, B. C. (Provincial 
Museum, Victoria, B. C.) 

I'ig. .S. — From Chilkat, l.'O miles north of Sitka, Alaska. (Collected by 
Lieut. G. T. Emmons.) 

Fig. 9. — Jlonolitliic hatcliet of greenstone fioni Moundville, west central 
Alabanni. 



[432] 



UNIV. CALIF. PUBL, AM. ARCH. &. ETHN. VOL. 14 



[ LOUD] PLATE 19 




CLUBS TROM CALIFORNIA, OREGON, AND ELSEWHERE 



EXPLANATION OP PLATE 20 

Figures 1 to ~i, objects of clay, and ligures 6 to li, objects of bone, from site 
07. Figures 15 to 17, bone objects from Klamath river region, showing char- 
acteristic ilecoratiou of northwestern California. All figures .73 natural size. 

Fig. 1. — (Jlay ball fouml with remains no. 10 at a depth of 2.8 feet. Mus. 
no. 1-1S204. 

Fig. 2. — Clay ball found with remains no. 14 at a depth of 4.8 feet. Mus. 
no. 1-18123. 

Fig. 3.— Clay ball from a depth of iV, feet. Mus. no. 1-18387. 

Fig. 4. — Clay pipe found with remains no. 19 at a depth of 1.7 feet. Mus. 
no. 1-18240. 

Fig. 5.— Clay ball from a depth of 3 ",4 feet. Mus. no. 1-18380. 

Fig. 6. — Bird bone bead from a depth of 6 inches. Mus. no. 1-18402. 

Fig. 7. — Head scratcher (?) from a depth of 2V4 feet. Mus. no. 1-18431. 

Figs. 8(7 and Sh. — Two views of a problematical bone object from a depth of 
4% feet. Mus. no. 1-18423. 

Fig. 9. — Bone object from a depth of 4^4 feet. Mus. no. 1-18410. 

Figs. 10 and 11. — Whistles made from the ulnae of large birds. Objects found 
together at a depth of one foot. Mus. nos. 1-18401 and 1-18400. 

Figs. 12 and 13. — Head scratchers ( ?) found with remains no. 2 at a depth 
of two feet. Mus. nos. 1-18050 and 1-18057. 

Fig. 14. — Head scratcher from a depth of 3% feet. Mus. no. 1-18411. 

Fig. 15. — Head scratcher used by Yurok. Mus. no. 1-11(11. 

Fig. 16. — Hair pin used by Yurok. Mus. no. 1-2189. 

Fig. 17. — Louse killer from Klamath river region. Mus. no. l-1245a. 



[434 J 



UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. &. ETHN, VOL. 14 [LOUD] PLATE 20 



10 11 




13 14r 15 

OBJECTS OF CL.W AND RoNE 



EXPLANATION OF PLATE 21 

Objects of bone, horn, and shell from site 07. All figures .5 natural size. 

Fig. 1. — Gouge made from the pro.\imal end of a cannon bone. From a depth 
of I'i feet. Mus. no. 1-18446. 

Fig. 2. — Bone gouge from a depth of i) inches. Mus. no. 1-18444. 

Fig. 3. — Horn harpoon from a depth of :! fi'ct. Mus. uo. 1-18428. 

Fig. 4. — Horn wedge from a depth of ii feet. Mus. no. 1-1S4S7. 

Fig. 5. — Horn wedge from a depth of 4 feet. Mus. uo. l-184iU. 

Fig. 0.— Horn wedge from a depth of 2% feet. Mus. no. l-1848i;. 

Fig. 7. — Bone gouge from a dejith of 3'.i feet. Mus. no. 1-18433. 

Fig. 8. — Awl made from the humerus of a bird. From a deptli of 'S% feet. 
Mus. no. 1-18422. 

Fig. 9.— Bone awl from a depth of 21U feet. Mus. no. 1-18420. 

Fig. 10. — Abalone pendant found with liuman remains no. 7 at a depth of 
3 feet. Mus. no. 1-17998. 

Fig. 11. — Abalone pendant found witli human remains no. 18 at a ilcpth 
of Zl^ feet. Mus. no. 1-18209. 

Figs. 12(( and 12/;. — Horn barli of a haipoon from a depth of 'iYi feet. Mus. 
no. 1-18430. 

l''ig. 13. — Bone harpoon from a dei)th of 2% feet. Mus. no. 1-18420. 

Fig. 14.— Bone adze blade from a depth of 2V-; feet. Mus. no. 1-18471. 

Fig. 15. — Bone adze blade from a depth of inches. Mus. no. 1-18409. 



[ 430 ] 



UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 14 



[ LOUD ] PLATE 21 




OBJECTS OF BONE, HORN AND SHELL 



Lb0'13 



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